m Ibcologfal 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


%. 


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Division 


FI?  73 


,•  y 2. 6 


Section 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/historyofpuertorOOvanm 


CErpansiion 
of  mtpublic 


the  history  of 

PUERTO  RICO 


Columbus  statue,  San  Juan. 


i 


THE  HISTORY  OF 
PUERTO  RICO 


FROM  THE  SPANISH  DISCOVERY  TO  THE 
AMERICAN  OCCUPATION 


R.  A.  VAN  MIDDELDYK 

LIBRARIAN  OF  THR  FREE  PUBLIC  LIBRARY,  SAN  JUAN,  PUERTO  RICO 


EDITED  BY 

MARTIN  G.  BRUMBAUGH,  Ph.  D.,  LL.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  PEDAGOGY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 
AND  FIRST  COMMISSIONER  OF  EDUCATION  FOR  PUERTO  RICO 


NEW  ARMS  OF  PUERTO  RICO 


NEW  YORK 

YOUNG  PEOPLE’S  MISSIONARY  MOVEMENT 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  CANADA 
1910 


Copyright,  1908 

By  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Publiihed  March,  190S 


EDITOE’S  PEEFACE 


The  latest  permanent  possession  of  the  United 
States  is  also  the  oldest  in  point  of  European  occu- 
pation. The  island  of  Puerto  Kico  was  discovered 
by  Columbus  in  1493.  It  was  occupied  by  the  United 
States  Army  at  Guanica  July  25,  1898.  Spain  form- 
ally evacuated  the  island  October  18,  1898,  and 
military  government  was  established  until  Congress 
made  provision  for  its  control.  By  act  of  Congress, 
approved  April  12,  1900,  the  military  control  ter- 
minated and  civil  government  was  formally  instituted 
May  1,  1900. 

Puerto  Kico  has  an  interesting  history.  Its  four 
centuries  under  Spanish  control  is  a record  of  unusual 
and  remarkable  events.  This  record  is  unknown  to 
the  American  people.  It  has  never  been  written  sat- 
isfactorily in  the  Spanish  language,  and  not  at  all 
in  the  English  language.  The  author  of  this  vol- 
ume is  the  first  to  give  to  the  reader  of  English  a 
record  of  Spanish  rule  in  this  “ pearl  of  the 
Antilles.”  Mr.  Van  Middeldyk  is  the  librarian  of 
the  Eree  Piiblic  Library  of  San  Juan,  an  institution 
created  under  American  civil  control.  He  has  had 
access  to  all  data  obtainable  in  the  island,  and  has 
faithfully  and  conscientiously  woven  this  data  into  a 


V 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

connected  narrative,  thus  giving  the  reader  a view  of 
the  social  and  institutional  life  of  the  island  for  four 
hundred  years. 

The  author  has  endeavored  to  portray  salient 
characteristics  of  the  life  on  the  island,  to  describe 
the  various  acts  of  the  reigning  government,  to  point 
out  the  evils  of  colonial  rule,  and  to  figure  the  gen- 
eral historical  and  geographical  conditions  in  a man- 
ner that  enables  the  reader  to  form  a fairly  accurate 
judgment  of  the  past  and  present  state  of  Puerto 
Rico. 

Xo  attempt  has  been  made  to  speculate  upon  the 
setting  of  this  record  in  the  larger  record  of  Spanish 
life.  That  is  a work  for  the  future.  But  enough 
history  of  Spain  and  in  general  of  continental  Eu- 
rope is  given  to  render  intelligible  the  various  and 
varied  governmental  activities  exercised  by  Spain  in 
the  island.  There  is,  no  doubt,  much  omitted  that 
future  research  may  reveal,  and  yet  it  is  just  to  state 
that  the  record  is  fairly  continuous,  and  that  no 
salient  factors  in  the  island’s  history  haA’e  been  over- 
looked. 

The  people  of  Puerto  Rico  were  loyal  and  sub- 
missive to  their  parent  government.  Xo  record  of 
revolts  and  excessive  rioting  is  recorded.  The  island 
has  been  continuously  profitable  to  Spain.  With 
even  ordinarily  fair  administration  of  government  the 
people  have  been  self-supporting,  and  in  many  cases 
have  rendered  substantial  aid  to  other  Spanish  pos- 
sessions. Her  native  life — the  Boriquen  Indians — 
rapidly  became  extinct,  due  to  the  gold  fever  ” and 
the  intermarriage  of  races.  The  peon  class  has  always 


VI 


Editor’s  Preface 


been  a faithful  laboring  class  in  the  coffee,  sugar,  and 
tobacco  estates,  and  the  slave  element  was  never 
large.  A few  landowners  and  the  professional  classes 
dominate  the  island’s  life.  There  is  no  middle  class. 
There  is  an  utter  absence  of  the  legitimate  fruits  of 
democratic  institutions.  The  poor  are  in  every  way 
objects  of  pity  and  of  sympathy.  They  are  the  hope 
of  the  island.  By  education,  widely  diffused,  a great 
unrest  will  ensue,  and  from  this  unrest  will  come  the 
social,  moral,  and  civic  uplift  of  the  people. 

These  people  do  not  suffer  from  the  lack  of  civi- 
lization. They  suffer  from  the  kind  of  civilization 
they  have  endured.  The  life  of  the  people  is  static. 
Her  institutions  and  customs  are  so  set  upon  them 
that  one  is  most  impressed  with  the  absence  of  legiti- 
mate activities.  The  people  are  stoically  content. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  condition  in  1898.  Under  the 
military  government  of  the  United  States  much  was 
done  to  prepare  the  way  for  future  advance.  Its 
weakness  Avas  due  to  its  effectiveness.  It  did  for  the 
people  what  they  should  learn  to  do  for  themselves. 
The  island  needed  a radically  new  goA'ernmental  activ- 
ity— an  activity  that  would  develop  each  citizen  into  a 
self-respecting  and  self-directing  force  in  the  island’s 
uplift.  This  has  been  supplied  by  the  institution  of 
civil  government.  The  outlook  of  the  people  is  now 
infinitely  better  than  ever  before.  The  progress  now 
being  made  is  permanent.  It  is  an  advance  made  by 
the  people  for  themselves.  Civil  government  is  the 
fundamental  need  of  the  island. 

Under  civil  government  the  entire  reorganization 
of  the  life  of  the  people  is  being  rapidly  effected.  The 

vii 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

agricultural  status  of  the  island  was  never  so  hopeful. 
The  commercial  activity  is  greatly  increased.  The 
educational  awakening  is  universal  and  healthy,  ^s^ot- 
withstanding  the  disastrous  cyclone  of  1898,  and 
the  confusion  incident  to  a radical  governmental 
reorganization,  the  wealth  per  capita  has  increased, 
the  home  life  is  improved,  and  the  illiteracy  of  the 
people  is  being  rapidly  lessened. 

President  McKinley  declared  to  the  writer  that 
it  was  his  desire  “ to  put  the  conscience  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  into  the  islands  of  the  sea.”  This  has  been 
done.  The  result  is  apparent.  Under  wise  and  con- 
servative guidance  by  the  American  executive  officers, 
the  people  of  Puerto  Rico  have  turned  to  this  Repub- 
lic with  a patriotism,  a zeal,  an  enthusiasm  that  is, 
perhaps,  without  a parallel. 

In  1898,  under  President  McKinley  as  com- 
mander-in-chief, the  army  of  the  United  States 
forcibly  invaded  this  island.  This  occupation,  by 
the  treaty  of  Paris,  became  permanent.  Congress 
promptly  provided  civil  government  for  the  island, 
and  in  1901  this  conquered  people,  almost  one  mil- 
lion in  number,  shared  in  the  keen  grief  that  at- 
tended universally  the  untimely  death  of  their  con- 
queror. The  island  on  the  occasion  of  the  martyr’s 
death  was  plunged  in  profound  sorrow,  and  at  a 
hundred  memorial  services  President  McKinley  was 
mourned  by  thousands,  and  he  was  tenderly  charac- 
terized as  “ the  founder  of  human  liberty  in  Puerto 
Rico.” 

The  judgment  of  the  American  people  relative  to 
this  island  is  based  upon  meager  data.  The  legal  proc- 

viii 


V 


Editor’s  Preface 


esses  attending  its  entrance  into  the  Union  have  been 
the  occasion  of  much  comment.  This  comment  has 
invariably  lent  itself  to  a discussion  of  the  effect  of 
judicial  decision  upon  our  home  institutions.  It  has 
been  largely  a speculative  concern.  In  some  cases  it 
has  become  a political  concern  in  the  narrowest  parti- 
zan  sense.  The  effect  of  all  this  upon  the  people  of 
Puerto  Rico  has  not  been  considered.  Their  rights 
and  their  needs  have  not  come  to  us.  We  have  not 
taken  President  McKinley’s  broad,  humane,  and  ex- 
alted view  of  our  obligation  to  these  people.  They 
have  implicitly  entrusted  their  life,  liberty,  and  prop- 
erty to  our  guardianship.  The  great  Republic  has  a 
debt  of  honor  to  the  island  which  indifference  and 
ignorance  of  its  needs  can  never  pay.  It  is  hoped 
that  this  record  of  their  struggles  during  four  cen- 
turies will  be  a welcome  source  of  insight  and  guid- 
ance to  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  efforts 
to  see  their  duty  and  do  it. 

M.  G.  Brumbaugh. 

Philadelphu,  January  1,  1903. 


IX 


AUTHOK’S  PREFACE 


Some  years  ago,  Mr.  Manuel  Elzaburu,  President 
of  the  San  Juan  Provincial  Atheneuni,  in  a public 
speech,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  modern  histo- 
rian of  Puerto  Rico  had  yet  to  appear.  This  was  said, 
not  in  disparagement  of  the  island’s  only  existing  his- 
tory, but  rather  as  a confirmation  of  the  general  opin- 
ion that  the  book  which  does  duty  as  such  is  incorrect 
and  incomplete. 

This  book  is  Friar  Inigo  Abbad’s  Historia  de  la 
Isla  San  Juan  Bautista,  which  was  written  in  1782 
by  disposition  of  the  Count  of  Floridablanca,  the  Min- 
ister of  Colonies  of  Charles  III,  and  published  in 
Madrid  in  1788.  In  1830  it  was  reproduced  in  San 
Juan  without  any  change  in  the  text,  and  in  1866 
Mr.  Jose  Julian  Acosta  published  a new  edition  with 
copious  notes,  comments,  and  additions,  which  added 
much  data  relative  to  the  Benedictine  monks,  cor- 
rected numerous  errors,  and  supplemented  the  chap- 
ters, some  of  which,  in  the  original,  are  exceedingly 
short,  the  whole  history  terminating  abruptly  with 
the  nineteenth  chapter,  that  is,  with  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  The  remaining  21  chapters 
are  merely  descriptive  of  the  country  and  people. 

Besides  this  work  there  are  others  by  Puerto 


XI 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Rican  authors,  each  one  elucidating  one  or  more 
phases  of  the  island’s  history.  With  these  separate 
and  diverse  materials,  supplemented  by  others  of  my 
own,  I have  constructed  the  present  history. 

The  transcendental  change  in  the  island’s  social 
and  political  conditions,  inaugurated  four  years  ago, 
made  the  writing  of  an  English  history  of  Puerto 
Rico  necessary.  The  American  officials  who  are 
called  upon  to  guide  the  destinies  and  watch  over  the 
moral,  material,  and  intellectual  progress  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  new  accession  to  the  great  Repubhc 
will  be  able  to  do  so  all  the  better  Avhen  they  have 
a knowledge  of  the  people’s  historical  antecedents. 

I have  endeavored  to  supply  this  need  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  and  herewith  offer  to  the  public  the 
results  of  an  arduous,  though  self-imposed  task. 

R.  A.  V.  M. 

San  Juan,  Puerto  Rico,  November  3,  1902. 


CONTENTS 


PART  I 

HISTORICAL 

CHAPTER  PAOE 

I. — The  departure.  1493  3 

II. — The  discovery.  1493  9 

III.  — Ponce  and  Ceron.  1500-1511  17 

IV.  — First  distribution  of  Indians.  “ repartimikn- 

Tos.”  1510 24 

V. — The  rebellion.  1511 30 

VI. — The  rebellion  {continued).  1511  ....  36 

VII. — Number  of  aboriginal  inhabitants  and  second 

distribution  of  Indians.  1511-1515  ...  42 

VIII. — Laws  and  ordinances.  1511-1515  ....  48 


IX. — The  return  of  Ceron  and  Diaz.  Ponce’s  first 


expedition  to  Florida.  1511-1515  ...  58 

X. — Dissensions.  Transfer  of  the  capital.  1515- 

1520 64 

XI. — Calamities.  Ponce’s  second  expedition  to  Flor- 
ida AND  DEATH.  1520-1537  72 

XII. — Incursions  of  fugitive  Boriqu£n  Indians  and 

Caribs.  1520-1582  77 

XIII. — Depopulation  of  the  island.  Preventive  meas- 


ures. Introduction  of  negro  slwes.  1515- 

1534 

xiii 


86 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

CHAPTER 

XIV. — Attacks  by  French  privateers.  Cause  of  the 
WAR  WITH  France.  Charles  V.  Ruin  of 

the  island.  1520-1556  

XV. — SedeNo.  Changes  in  the  system  of  govern- 
ment. 1534-1555  

XVI. — Defenseless  condition  of  the  island.  Con- 
struction OF  fortifications  and  circumval- 
LATioN  OF  San  Juan.  1555-1641 

XVII. — Drake’s  attack  on  San  Juan.  1595  . 

XVIII. — Occupation  and  evacuation  of  San  Juan  by 
Lord  George  Cumberland.  Condition  of 

THE  island  at  THE  END  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY  

XIX. — Attack  on  San  Juan  by  the  Hollanders  under 

Bowdoin.  1625  

XX. — Decline  of  Spain’s  power.  Buccaneers  and 

FILIBUSTERS.  1625-1780  

XXL — British  attacks  on  Puerto  Rico.  Siege  of  San 
Juan  by  Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie.  1678-1797  . 
XXII. — British  attacks  on  Puerto  Rico  (continued). 

Invasions  by  Colombian  insurgents.  1797- 

1829  

XXIII. — Review  op  the  social  conditions  in  Puerto 
Rico  and  the  political  events  in  Spain 

FROM  1765  to  1820  

XXIV. — General  condition  of  the  island  from  1815 

TO  1833  

XXV. — Political  events  in  Spain  and  their  influence 
ON  affairs  in  Puerto  Rico.  1833-1874. 
XX\H. — General  conditions  of  the  island.  The  dawn 
OF  freedom.  1874-1898  


PASS 

94 

100 

108 

112 

120 

123 

129 

136 

142 

146 

155 

162 

177 


XIV 


Contents 


PART  II 

THE  PEOPLE  AND  THEIR  INSTITUTIONS 

CHAPTBR 

XXVII. — Situation  and  genebal  appearance  of  Pu- 
erto Rico 

XXVIII. — Origin,  character,  and  customs  of  the  prim- 
itive INHABITANTS  OF  BoRIQUfiN  . 

XXIX. — The  “jibaro”  or  Puerto  Rican  peasant 

XXX. — Origin  and  character  of  the  modern  in- 
habitants OF  Puerto  Rico  .... 

XXXI. — Negro  slavery  in  Puerto  Rico 

XXXII. — Increase  of  population 

XXXIII. — Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico  .... 
XXXIV. — Commerce  and  finances  . ... 

XXXV. — Education  in  Puerto  Rico  .... 

XXXVI. — Libraries  and  the  pre.ss 

XXXVII. — The  regular  and  secular  clergy  . 
XXXVIII.— The  Inquisition.  1520-1813  . . . . 

XXXIX. — Growth  of  cities 

XL. — Auriferous  streams  and  gold  produced 

from  1509  TO  1536  

XLI. — West  Indian  hurricanes  in  Puerto  Rico 

from  1515  TO  1899  

XLII. — The  Caribs 

Bibliography 

Index  


paor 

185 

191 

195 

201 

206 

214 

220 

231 

239 

246 

254 

262 

271 

282 

288 

299 

311 

313 


XV 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTEATIONS 


FACING 

PAGE 

Columbus  statue,  San  Juan  ....  Frmtispiece 

Ruins  of  Caparra,  the  first  capital 25 

Columbus  monument,  near  Aguadilla  ....  52 

Statue  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  San  Juan 75 

Inner  harbor,  San  Juan 109 

Fort  San  Geronimo,  at  Santurce,  near  San  Juan  . . 140 

Only  remaining  gate  of  the  city  wall,  San  Juan  . . 172 

A tienda,  or  small  shop 199 

Planter’s  house,  ceiba  tree,  and  royal  palms  . . . 223 

San  Francisco  Church,  San  Juan  ; the  oldest  church  in 

the  city 255 

Plaza  Alphonso  XII  and  Intendencia  Building,  San  Juan  . 272 

Casa  Blanca  and  the  sea  wall,  San  Juan  ....  297 


2 


IVU 


PART  I 
HISTORICAL 


1 


CHAPTER  I 


THE  DEPAETUEE 

1493 

Eight  centuries  of  a gigantic  struggle  for  su- 
premacy between  the  Crescent  and  the  Cross  had 
devastated  the  fairest  provinces  of  the  Spanish 
Peninsula.  Boabdil,  the  last  of  the  Moorish  kings, 
had  delivered  the  keys  of  Granada  into  the  hands  of 
Queen  Isabel,  the  proud  banner  of  the  united 
kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Aragon  floated  triumphant 
from  the  walls  of  the  Alhambra,  and  Providence, 
as  if  to  recompense  Iberian  knighthood  for  turning 
back  the  tide  of  Moslem  conquest,  which  threatened 
to  overrun  the  whole  of  meridional  Europe,  had 
laid  a new  world,  with  all  its  inestimable  treasures 
and  millions  of  benighted  inhabitants,  at  the  feet  of 
the  Catholic  princes. 

Columbus  had  just  returned  from  his  flrst  voyage. 
He  had  been  scorned  as  an  adventurer  by  the  court- 
iers of  Lisbon,  mocked  as  a visionary  by  the  learned 
priests  of  the  Council  in  Salamanca,  who,  with  texts 
from  the  Scriptures  and  quotations  from  the  saints, 
had  tried  to  convince  him  that  the  world  was  flat;  he 
had  been  pointed  at  by  the  rabble  in  the  streets  as  a 
madman  who  maintained  that  there  was  a land  where 

3 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

the  people  walked  with  their  heads  down ; and,  after 
months  of  trial,  he  had  been  able  to  equip  his  three 
small  craft  and  collect  a crew  of  ninety  men  only  by 
the  aid  of  a royal  schedule  offering  exemption  from 
punishment  for  offenses  against  the  laws  to  all  who 
should  join  the  expedition. 

At  last  he  had  sailed  amid  the  murmurs  of  an 
incredulous  crowd,  who  thought  him  and  his  com- 
panions doomed  to  certain  destruction,  and  now  he 
had  returned  ^ bringing  with  him  the  living  proofs 
of  what  he  had  declared  to  exist  beyond  that  myste- 
rious ocean,  and  shoAved  to  the  astounded  people  sam- 
ples of  the  unknown  plants  and  animals,  and  of  the 
gold  which  he  had  said  would  be  found  there  in  fabu- 
lous quantities. 

It  was  the  proudest  moment  of  the  daring  navi- 
gator’s life  when,  clad  in  his  purple  robe  of  office, 
bedecked  with  the  insignia  of  his  rank,  he  entered  the 
throne-room  of  the  palace  in  Barcelona  and  received 
permission  to  be  seated  in  the  royal  presence  to  relate 
his  experiences.  Around  the  hall  stood  the  grandees 
of  Spain  and  the  magnates  of  the  Church,  as  obse- 
quious and  attentive  to  him  now  as  they  had  been 
proud  and  disdainful  when,  a hungry  wanderer,  he 
had  knocked  at  the  gates  of  La  Kabida  to  beg  bread 
for  his  son.  It  was  the  acme  of  the  discoverer’s 
destiny,  the  realization  of  his  dream  of  glory,  the 
well-earned  recompense  of  years  of  persevering  en- 
deavor. 

The  news  of  the  discovery  created  universal  en- 


1 March  15,  1493. 
4 


The  Departure 

thusiasm.  When  it  was  announced  that  a second  ex- 
pedition was  being  organized  there  was  no  need  of  a 
royal  schedule  of  remission  of  punishment  to  criminals 
to  obtain  crews.  The  Admiral’s  residence  was  besieged 
all  day  long  by  the  hidalgos  ^ who  were  anxious 
to  share  with  him  the  expected  glories  and  riches. 
The  cessation  of  hostilities  in  Granada  had  left  thou- 
sands of  knights,  whose  only  patrimony  was  their 
sword,  without  occupation — men  with  iron  muscles, 
inured  to  hardship  and  danger,  eager  for  adventure 
and  conquest. 

Then  there  were  the  monks  and  priests,  whose 
religious  zeal  was  stimulated  by  the  prospect  of  con- 
verting to  Christianity  the  benighted  inhabitants  of 
unknown  realms;  there  were  ruined  traders,  who 
hoped  to  mend  their  fortunes  with  the  gold  to  be  had, 
as  they  thought,  for  picking  it  up;  finally,  there  were 
the  proteges  of  royalty  and  of  influential  persons  at 
court,  who  aspired  to  lucrative  places  in  the  new 
territories;  in  short,  the  Admiral  counted  among  the 
fifteen  hundred  companions  of  his  second  expedition 
individuals  of  the  bhiest  blood  in  Spain. 

As  for  the  mariners,  men-at-arms,  mechanics, 
attendants,  and  servants,  they  were  mostly  greedy, 
vicious,  ungovernable,  and  turbulent  adventurers.^ 

The  confiscated  property  of  the  Jews,  supplement- 
ed by  a loan  and  some  extra  diities  on  articles  of 
consumption,  provided  the  funds  for  the  expedition; 
a sufficient  quantity  of  provisions  was  embarked; 


• Literally,  “htjos  d’algo,"  sons  of  something  or  somebody. 
’ La  Fuente.  Hista.  general  de  EspaSa. 

5 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

twenty  Granadian  lancers  with  their  spirited  Anda- 
lusian horses  were  accommodated;  cuirasses,  swords, 
pikes,  crossbows,  muskets,  powder  and  balls  were  omi- 
nously abundant;  seed-corn,  rice,  sugar-cane,  vege- 
tables, etc.,  were  not  forgotten;  cattle,  sheep,  goats, 
swine,  and  fowls  for  stocking  the  new  provinces,  pro- 
vided for  future  needs;  and  a breed  of  mastiff  dogs, 
originally  intended,  perhaps,  as  watch-dogs  only,  but 
which  became  in  a short  time  the  dreaded  destroyers 
of  natives.  Finally,  Pope  Alexander  VI,  of  infa- 
mous memory,  drew  a line  across  the  map  of  the 
world,  from  pole  to  pole,^  and  assigned  all  the  undis- 
covered lands  west  of  it  to  Spain,  and  those  east  of 
it  to  Portugal,  thus  arbitrarily  dividing  the  globe 
between  the  two  powers. 

At  daybreak,  September  25, 1-193,  seventeen  ships, 
three  Caracas  of  one  hundred  tons  each,  two  naos, 
and  twelve  caravels,  sailed  from  Cadiz  amid  the  ring- 
ing of  bells  and  the  enthusiastic  Godspeeds  of  thou- 
sands of  spectators.  The  son  of  a Genoese  wool- 
carder  stood  there,  the  equal  in  rank  of  the  noblest 
hidalgo  in  Spain,  Admiral  of  the  Indian  Seas,  Vice- 
roy of  all  the  islands  and  continents  to  be  discovered, 
and  one-tenth  of  all  the  gold  and  treasures  they  con- 
tained would  be  his! 

Alas  for  the  evanescence  of  worldly  greatness! 
All  this  glory  was  soon  to  be  eclipsed.  Eight  years 
after  that  day  of  triumph  he  again  landed  on  the 
shore  of  Spain  a pale  and  emaciated  prisoner  in 
chains. 


* Along  the  30th  parallel  of  longitude  W.  of  Greenwich. 
6 


The  Departure 

It  may  easily  be  conceived  that  the  voyage  for 
these  fifteen  hundred  men,  most  of  whom  were  unac- 
customed to  the  sea,  was  not  a pleasure  trip. 

Fortunately  they  had  fine  weather  and  fair  wind 
till  October  26th,  when  they  experienced  their  first 
tropical  rain  and  thunder-storm,  and  the  Admiral 
ordered  litanies.  On  November  2d  he  signaled  to 
the  fleet  to  shorten  sail,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
3d  fifteen  hundred  pairs  of  wondering  eyes  beheld  the 
mountains  of  an  island  mysteriously  hidden  till  then 
in  the  bosom  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

Among  the  spectators  were  Bernal  Diaz  de  Pisa, 
accountant  of  the  fleet,  the  first  conspirator  in  Amer- 
ica; thirteen  Benedictine  friars,  with  Boil  at  their 
head,  who,  with  Moren  Pedro  de  Margarit,  the  strate- 
gist, respectively  represented  the  religious  and  mili- 
tary powers;  there  was  Roldan,  another  insubordinate, 
the  first  alcalde  of  the  Espafiola;  there  were  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda  and  Guevara,  true  knights-errant,  who  were 
soon  to  distinguish  themselves:  the  first  by  the  cap- 
ture of  the  chief  Caonabo,  the  second  by  his  romantic 
love-affair  with  Higuemota,  the  daughter  of  the  chief- 
ess  Anacaona.  There  was  Adrian  Mojica,  destined 
shortly  to  be  hanged  on  the  ramparts  of  Fort  Concep- 
cion by  order  of  the  Viceroy.  There  was  Juan  de 
Esquivel,  the  future  conqueror  of  Jamaica;  Sebastian 
Olano,  receiver  of  the  royal  share  of  the  gold  and 
other  riches  that  no  one  doubted  to  find;  Father 
Marchena,  the  Admiral’s  first  protector,  friend,  and 
counselor;  the  two  knight  commanders  of  military 
orders  Gallego  and  Arroyo;  the  fleet’s  physician, 
Chanca;  the  queen’s  three  servants,  Navarro,  Pefia- 

7 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

soto,  and  Giraii;  the  pilot,  Antonio  de  Torres,  who 
was  to  return  to  Spain  with  the  Admiral’s  ship  and 
first  despatches.  There  was  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  car- 
tographer, who  traced  the  first  map  of  the  Antilles; 
there  were  the  father  and  uncle  of  Bartolome  de  las 
Casas,  the  apostle  of  the  Indies;  Diego  de  Peiialosa, 
the  first  notary  public;  Fermin  Jedo,  the  metallurgist, 
and  Villacorta,  the  mechanical  engineer,  Luis  de 
Ariega,  afterward  famous  as  the  defender  of  the  fort 
at  Magdalena;  Diego  Velazques,  the  future  conqueror 
of  Cuba;  Vega,  Abarca,  Gil  Garcia,  Marguez,  Mal- 
donado, Beltran  and  many  other  doughty  warriors, 
whose  names  had  been  the  terror  of  the  Moors  during 
the  war  in  Granada.  Finally,  there  were  Diego  Co- 
lumbus, the  Admiral’s  brother;  and  among  the  men- 
at-arms,  one,  destined  to  play  the  principal  role  in  the 
conquest  of  Puerto  Rico.  His  name  was  Juan  Ponce, 
a native  of  Santervas  or  Sanservas  de  Campos  in  the 
kingdom  of  Leon.  He  had  served  fifteen  years  in  the 
war  with  the  Moors  as  page  or  shield-bearer  to  Pedro 
Xufiez  de  Guzman,  knight  commander  of  the  order  of 
Calatrava,  and  he  had  joined  Columbus  like  the  rest 
— to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  western  hemisphere. 


8 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  DISCOVERY 
1493 

The  first  island  discovered  on  this  voyage  lies 
between  14°  and  15°  north  latitude,  near  the  middle 
of  a chain  of  islands  of  different  sizes,  intermingled 
with  rocks  and  reefs,  which  stretches  from  Trinidad, 
near  the  coast  of  Venezuela,  in  a north-by-westerly 
direction  to  Puerto  Rico.  They  are  divided  in  two 
groups,  the  Windward  Islands  forming  the  southern, 
the  Leeward  Islands  the  northern  portion  of  the 
chain. 

The  Admiral  shaped  his  course  in  the  direction 
in  which  the  islands,  one  after  the  other,  loomed  up, 
merely  touching  at  some  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing what  information  he  could,  which  was  meager 
enough. 

For  an  account  of  the  expedition’s  experiences 
on  that  memorable  voyage,  we  have  the  fleet  physi- 
cian Chanca’s  circumstantial  description  addressed  to 
the  Municipal  Corporation  of  Seville,  sent  home  by 
the  same  pilot  who  conveyed  the  Admiral’s  first 
despatches  to  the  king  and  queen. 

After  describing  the  weather  experienced  up  to  the 
9 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

time  the  fleet  arrived  at  the  island  “ de  Hierro,”  he 
tells  their  worships  that  for  nineteen  or  twenty  days 
they  had  the  best  weather  ever  experienced  on  such 
a long  voyage,  excepting  on  the  eve  of  San  Simon, 
when  they  had  a storm  which  for  four  hours  caused 
them  great  anxiety. 

At  daybreak  on  Sunday,  November  3d,  the  pilot 
of  the  flagship  announced  land.  “ It  was  marvelous,” 
says  Chanca,  “ to  see  and  hear  the  people’s  mani- 
festations of  joy;  and  with  reason,  for  they  were 
very  weary  of  the  hardships  they  had  undergone,  and 
longed  to  be  on  land  again.” 

The  first  island  they  saw  was  high  and  mountain- 
ous. As  the  day  advanced  they  saw  another  more 
level,  and  then  others  appeared,  till  they  counted  six, 
some  of  good  size,  and  all  covered  ^vith  forest  to  the 
water’s  edge. 

Sailing  along  the  shore  of  the  first  discovered 
island  for  the  distance  of  a league,  and  finding  no 
suitable  anchoring  ground,  they  proceeded  to  the  next 
island,  which  was  four  or  five  leagues  distant,  and 
here  the  Admiral  landed,  bearing  the  royal  standard, 
and  took  formal  possession  of  this  and  all  adjacent 
lands  in  the  name  of  their  Highnesses.  He  named  the 
first  island  Dominica,  because  it  was  discovered  on  a 
Sunday,  and  to  the  second  island  he  gave  the  name  of 
his  ship,  Harie-Galante. 

“ In  this  island,”  says  Chanca,  it  was  wonderful 
to  see  the  dense  forest  and  the  great  variety  of 
unknown  trees,  some  in  bloom,  others  with  fruit, 
everything  looking  so  green.  We  found  a tree 
the  leaves  whereof  resembled  laurel  leaves,  but 

10 


The  Discovery 

not  so  large,  and  they  exhaled  the  finest  odor  of 
cloves.* 

“ There  were  fruits  of  many  kinds,  some  of  which 
the  men  imprudently  tasted,  with  the  result  that 
their  faces  swelled,  and  that  they  suffered  such  vio- 
lent pain  in  throat  and  mouth  ^ that  they  behaved  like 
madmen,  the  application  of  cold  substances  giving 
them  some  relief.”  No  signs  of  inhabitants  were  dis- 
covered, so  they  remained  ashore  two  hours  only  and 
left  next  morning  early  (November  4th)  in  the  direc- 
tion of  another  island  seven  or  eight  leagues  north- 
ward. They  anchored  off  the  southernmost  coast  of 
it,  now  known  as  Basse  Terre,  and  admired  a moun- 
tain in  the  distance,  which  seemed  to  reach  into  the 
sky  (the  volcano  “ la  Souffriere  ”),  and  the  beautiful 
waterfall  on  its  fiank.  The  Admiral  sent  a small  cara- 
vel close  inshore  to  look  for  a port,  which  was  soon 
found.  Perceiving  some  huts,  the  captain  landed, 
but  the  people  who  occupied  them  escaped  into  the 
forest  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  strangers.  On  enter- 
ing the  huts  they  found  two  large  parrots  (guaca- 
mayos)  entirely  different  from  those  seen  until  then 
by  the  Spaniards,  much  cotton,  spun  and  ready  for 
spinning,  and  other  articles,  bringing  away  a little  of 
each,  “ especially,”  says  the  doctor,  “ four  or  five 
bones  of  human  arms  and  legs.” 

From  this  the  Admiral  concluded  that  he  had 
found  the  islands  inhabited  by  the  redoubtable  Caribs, 

* The  “ Caryophyllus  pimienta,”  Coll  y Toste. 

’ Navarrete  supposes  this  to  have  been  the  fruit  of  the 
Manzanilla  “ hippomane  Mancinella,”  which  produces  identical 
•affects. 


11 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

of  whom  he  had  heard  on  his  first  voyage,  and  who 
were  said  to  eat  human  flesh.  The  general  direction 
in  which  these  islands  were  situated  had  been  pointed 
out  to  him  by  the  natives  of  Guanahani  and  the 
Espafiola;  hence,  he  had  steered  a southwesterly 
course  on  this  his  second  voyage,  “ and,’’  says  the 
doctor,  “ by  the  goodness  of  God  and  the  Admiral’s 
knowledge,  we  came  as  straight  as  if  we  had  come  by  a 
known  and  continuous  route.” 

Having  found  a convenient  port  and  seen  some 
groups  of  huts,  the  inhabitants  of  which  fled  as  soon 
as  they  perceived  the  ships,  the  Admiral  gave  orders 
that  the  next  morning  early  parties  of  men  should  go 
on  shore  to  reconnoiter.  Accordingly  some  captains, 
each  with  a small  band  of  men,  dispersed.  Most  of 
them  returned  before  noon  with  the  tangible  results 
of  their  expeditions;  one  party  brought  a boy  of 
about  fourteen  years  of  age,  wdio,  from  the  signs  he 
made,  was  understood  to  be  a captive  from  some 
other  island ; another  party  brought  a child  that  had 
been  abandoned  by  the  man  who  was  leading  it  by  the 
hand  when  he  perceived  the  Spaniards;  others  had 
taken  some  women;  and  one  party  was  accompanied 
by  women  who  had  voluntarily  joined  them  and  who, 
on  that  account,  were  believed  to  be  captives  also. 
Captain  Diego  Marquiz  with  six  men,  who  had 
entered  the  thickest  part  of  the  forest,  did  not  return 
that  night,  nor  the  three  following  days,  notwith- 
standing the  Admiral  had  sent  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  with 
forty  men  to  explore  the  jungle,  blow  trumpets,  and 
do  all  that  could  be  done  to  find  them.  When,  on  the 
morning  of  the  fourth  day,  they  had  not  returned, 

12 


The  Discovery 

there  was  ground  for  concluding  that  they  had  been 
killed  and  eaten  by  the  natives;  but  they  made  their 
appearance  in  the  course  of  the  day,  emaciated  and 
wearied,  having  sufFered  great  hardships,  till  by 
chance  they  had  struck  the  coast  and  followed  it  till 
they  reached  the  ships.  They  brought  ten  persons 
with  them — women  and  boys. 

During  the  days  thus  lost  the  other  captains  col- 
lected more  than  twenty  female  captives,  and  three 
boys  came  running  toward  them,  evidently  escaping 
from  their  captors.  Few  men  were  seen.  It  was 
afterward  ascertained  that  ten  canoes  full  had  gone 
on  one  of  their  marauding  expeditions.  In  their  dif- 
ferent expeditions  on  shore  the  Spaniards  found  all 
the  huts  and  villages  abandoned,  and  in  them  “ an 
infinite  quantity  ” of  luiman  bones  and  skulls  hanging 
on  the  walls  as  receptacles.  From  the  natives  taken 
on  board  the  Spaniards  learned  that  the  name  of  the 
first  island  they  had  seen  was  Cayri  or  Keiree;  the  one 
they  were  on  they  named  Sibuqueira,  and  they  spoke 
of  a third,  not  yet  discovered,  named  Aye-Aye. 
The  Admiral  gave  to  Sibuqueira  the  name  of 
Guadaloupe. 

Anchors  were  weighed  at  daybreak  on  !N^ovem- 
ber  10th.  About  noon  of  the  next  day  the  fleet 
reached  an  island  which  Juan  de  la  Cosa  laid  down 
on  his  map  with  the  name  Santa  Maria  de  Mon- 
serrat.  From  the  Indian  women  on  board  it  was 
understood  that  this  island  had  been  depopulated  by 
the  Caribs  and  was  then  uninhabited.  On  the  same 
day  in  the  afternoon  they  made  another  island  which, 
according  to  Navarrete,  was  named  by  the  Admiral 

13 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Kedonda  (the  round  one),  and  see- 
ing that  there  were  many  shallows  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  that  it  would  he  dangerous  to  con- 
tinue the  voyage  during  the  night,  the  fleet  came  to 
anchor. 

On  the  following  morning  (the  13th)  another 
island  was  discovered  (la  Antigua);  thence  the  fleet 
proceeded  in  a northwesterly  direction  to  San  Martin, 
without  landing  at  any  place,  because,  as  Chanca 
observes,  the  Admiral  was  anxious  to  arrive  at  ‘ la 
Espanola.’  ” 

After  weighing  anchor  at  San  Martin  on  the  morn- 
ing of  Thursday  the  14th,  the  fleet  experienced  rough 
weather  and  was  driven  southward,  anchoring  the 
same  day  off  the  island  Aye- Aye  (Santa  Cruz). 

Fernandez,  the  Admiral’s  son,  in  his  description 
of  his  father’s  second  voyage,  says  that  a small  craft 
(a  sloop)  with  twenty-five  men  was  sent  ashore  to 
take  some  of  the  people,  that  Columbus  might  obtain 
information  from  them  regarding  his  whereabouts. 
IVhile  they  carried  out  this  order  a canoe  with  four 
men,  two  women,  and  a boy  approached  the  ships,  and, 
struck  with  astonishment  at  what  they  saw,  they 
never  moved  from  one  spot  till  the  sloop  returned 
with  four  kidnaped  women  and  three  children. 

When  the  natives  in  the  canoe  saw  the  sloop  hear- 
ing down  upon  them,  and  that  they  had  no  chance  of 
escape,  they  showed  fight.  Two  Spaniards  were 
wounded — an  arrow  shot  by  one  of  the  amazons 
went  clear  through  a buckler — then  the  canoe  was 
overturned,  and  finding  a footing  in  a shallow  place, 
they  continued  the  fight  till  they  were  all  taken,  one 

14 


The  Discovery 

of  them  being  mortally  wounded  by  the  thrust  of  a 
lance. 

To  regain  the  latitude  in  which  he  was  sailing 
when  the  storm  began  to  drive  his  ships  southwest- 
ward  to  Aye- Aye,  the  Admiral,  after  a delay  of  only 
a few  hours,  steered  north,  until,  toward  nightfall,  he 
reached  a numerous  group  of  small  islands.  Most  of 
them  appeared  bare  and  devoid  of  vegetation.  The 
next  morning  (^^ovember  15th)  a small  caravel  was 
sent  among  the  group  to  explore,  the  other  ships 
standing  out  to  sea  for  fear  of  shallows,  but  nothing 
of  interest  was  found  except  a few  Indian  fishermen. 
All  the  islands  were  uninhabited,  and  they  were  bap- 
tized “ the  eleven  thousand  Virgins.”  The  largest 
one,  according  to  Navarrete,  was  named  Santa  Ursula 
— “ la  Virgin  Gorda  ” (the  fat  Virgin)  according  to 
Angleria. 

During  the  night  the  ships  lay  to  at  sea.  On  the 
16th  the  voyage  was  continued  till  the  afternoon  of 
the  17th,  when  another  island  was  sighted;  the  fleet 
sailed  along  its  southern  shore  for  a whole  day.  That 
night  two  women  and  a boy  of  those  who  had  volun- 
tarily joined  the  expedition  in  Sobuqueira,  swam 
ashore,  having  recognized  their  home.  On  the  19th 
the  fleet  anchored  in  a bay  on  the  western  coast, 
where  Columbus  landed  and  took  possession  in  the 
name  of  his  royal  patrons  with  the  same  formalities 
as  observed  in  Marie-Galante,  and  named  the  island 
San  Juan  Bautista.  Near  the  landing-place  was 
found  a deserted  village  consisting  of  a dozen  huts  of 
the  iisual  size  surrounding  a larger  one  of  superior 
construction;  from  the  village  a road  or  walk, 
3 15 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

hedged  in  by  trees  and  plants,  led  to  the  sea, 
“ which,”  says  Mnnoz,^  “ gave  it  the  aspect  of  some 
cacique’s  place  of  seaside  recreation.” 

After  remaining  two  days  in  port  (November 
20th  and  21st),  and  without  a single  native  having 
shown  himself,  the  fleet  lifted  anchor  on  the  morning 
of  the  22d,  and  proceeding  on  its  northwesterly 
course,  reached  the  bay  of  Samana,  in  Espanola,  be- 
fore night,  whence,  sailing  along  the  coast,  the 
Admiral  reached  the  longed-for  port  of  Navidad  on 
the  25th,  only  to  find  that  the  first  act  of  the  bloody 
drama  that  was  to  be  enacted  in  this  bright  new 
world  had  already  been  performed. 

Here  we  leave  Columbus  and  his  companions  to 
play  the  important  roles  in  the  conquest  of  America 
assigned  to  each  of  them.  The  fortunes  of  the  yeo- 
man of  humble  birth,  the  former  lance-bearer  or  stir- 
rup-page  of  the  knight  commander  of  Calatrava, 
already  referred  to,  were  destined  to  become  inti- 
mately connected  with  those  of  the  island  whose  his- 
tory we  Avill  now  trace. 

* Historia  del  Nuevo  Mundo. 


16 


CHAPTER  III 


PONCE  AND-CEKON 
1500-1511 

Friar  Inigo  Abbad,  in  his  History  of  the  Island 
San  Juan  Bautista  de  Puerto  Rico,  gives  the  story  of 
the  discovery  in  a very  short  chapter,  and  terminates 
it  with  the  words:  ‘‘Columbus  sailed  for  Santo 
Domingo  November  22,  1493,  and  thought  no  more 
of  the  island,  which  remained  forgotten  till  Juan 
Ponce  returned  to  explore  it  in  1508.” 

This  is  not  correct.  The  island  was  not  forgotten, 
for  Don  Jose  Julian  de  Acosta,  in  his  annotations  to 
the  Benedictine  monk’s  history  (pp.  21  and  23), 
quotes  a royal  decree  of  March  24,  1505,  appoint- 
ing Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon  Captain  and  “ corregidor  ” 
of  the  island  San  Juan  Bautista  and  governor  of 
the  fort  that  he  was  to  constnict  therein.  Pinzon 
transferred  his  rights  and  titles  in  the  appointment 
to  Martin  Garcia  de  Salazar,  in  company  with  whom 
he  stocked  the  island  with  cattle;  hut  it  seems  that 
Boriquen  did  not  ofFer  sufficient  scope  for  the  gal- 
lant pilot’s  ambition,  for  w'e  find  him  between  the 
years  1506  and  1508  engaged  in  seeking  new  con- 
quests on  the  continent. 

As  far  as  Columbus  himself  is  concerned,  the 
17 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

island  was  certainly  forgotten  amid  the  troubles  that 
beset  him  on  all  sides  almost  from  the  day  of  his  sec- 
ond landing  in  “ la  Espauola.”  From  1493  to  1500 
a series  of  insurrections  broke  out,  headed  success- 
ively by  Diaz,  Margarit,  Aguado,  Roldan,  and  others, 
supported  by  the  convict  rabble  that,  on  the  Admiral’s 
own  proposals  to  the  authorities  in  Spain,  had  been 
liberated  from  galleys  and  prisons  on  condition  that 
they  should  join  him  on  his  third  expedition.  These 
men,  turbulent,  insubordinate,  and  greedy,  found  hun- 
ger, hardships,  and  sickness  where  they  had  expected 
to  find  plenty,  comfort,  and  wealth.  The  Admiral, 
who  had  indirectly  promised  them  these  things,  to 
mitigate  the  universal  and  bitter  disappointment, 
had  recourse  to  the  unwarrantable  expedients  of  en- 
slaving the  natives,  sending  them  to  Spain  to  be  sold, 
of  levying  tribute  on  those  who  remained,  and,  worst 
of  all,  dooming  them  to  a sure  and  rapid  extermina- 
tion by  forced  labor. 

The  natives,  driven  to  despair,  resisted,  and  in  the 
encounters  between  the  naked  islanders  and  the 
mailed  invaders  Juan  Ponce  distinguished  himself  so 
that  Nicolos  de  Ovando,  the  governor,  made  him  the 
lieutenant  of  J uan  Esquivel,  wFo  was  then  engaged  in 
“ pacifying  ” the  province  of  Higiiey.*  After  Esqiii- 
vel’s  departure  on  the  conquest  of  Jamaica,  Ponce 
was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and  it  was 
while  he  was  in  the  Higiiey  province  that  he  learned 
from  the  Boriquen  natives,  who  occasionally  visited 
the  coast,  that  there  was  gold  in  the  rivers  of  their  as 

* The  slaughter  of  rebellious  Indians  was  called  “pacifica- 
tion ” by  the  Spaniards. 


18 


Ponce  and  Ceron 


yet  unexplored  island.  This  was  enough  to  awaken 
his  ambition  to  explore  it,  and  having  asked  permis- 
sion of  Ovando,  it  was  granted. 

Ponce  equipped  a caravel  at  once,  and  soon  after 
left  the  port  of  Salvaleon  with  a few  followers  and 
some  Indians  to  serve  as  guides  and  interpreters 
(1508). 

They  probably  landed  at  or  near  the  same  place  at 
which  their  captain  had  landed  fifteen  years  before 
with  the  Admiral,  that  is  to  say,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  la  Aguada,  where,  according  to  Las  Casas,  the 
ships  going  and  coming  to  and  from  Spain  had 
called  regularly  to  take  in  fresh  water  ever  since  the 
year  1502. 

The  strangers  were  hospitably  received.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  mother  of  the  local  cacique,  who  was 
also  the  chief  cacique  of  that  part  of  the  island,  was  a 
woman  of  acute  judgment.  She  had,  no  doubt,  heard 
from  fugitives  from  la  Espanola  of  the  doings  of  the 
Spaniards  there,  and  of  their  irresistible  might  in  bat- 
tle, and  had  prudently  counseled  her  son  to  receive 
the  intruders  with  kindness  and  hospitality.  Accord- 
ingly Ponce  and  his  men  were  welcomed  and  feasted. 
They  were  supplied  with  provisions;  areitos  (dances) 
were  held  in  their  honor;  batos  (games  of  ball)  were 
played  to  amuse  them,  and  the  practise,  common 
among  many  of  the  aboriginal  tribes  in  different 
parts  of  the  world,  of  exchanging  names  with  a visitor 
as  a mark  of  brotherly  affection,  was  also  resorted  to 
to  cement  the  new  bonds  of  friendship,  so  that  Guay- 
bana  became  Ponce  for  the  time  being,  and  Ponce 
Guaybana.  The  sagacious  mother  of  the  chief  re- 

19 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

ceived  the  name  of  Doha  Inez,  other  names  were  be- 
stowed on  other  members  of  the  family,  and  to  crown 
all,  Ponce  received  the  chief’s  sister  in  marriage. 

Under  these  favorable  auspices  Ponce  made 
known  his  desire  to  see  the  places  where  the  chiefs 
obtained  the  yellow'  metal  for  the  disks  w'hich,  as  a 
distinctive  of  their  rank,  they  w’ore  as  medals  round 
their  neck.  Guaybana  responded  wdth  alacrity  to  his 
Spanish  brother’s  wish,  and  accompanied  him  on 
what  modern  gold-seekers  would  call  “ a prospecting 
tour  ” to  the  interior.  The  Indian  took  pride  in 
showing  him  the  rivers  Manatuabon,  Manati,  Sibuco, 
and  others,  and  in  having  their  sands  washed  in  the 
presence  of  his  white  friends,  little  dreaming  that 
by  so  doing  he  was  sealing  the  doom  of  himself  and 
people. 

Ponce  was  satisfied  with  the  result  of  his  explora- 
tion, and  returned  to  la  Espanola  in  the  first  months 
of  1509,  taking  wuth  him  the  samples  of  gold  collect- 
ed, and  lea\dng  behind  some  of  his  companions,  who 
probably  then  commenced  to  lay  the  foundations  of 
Caparra.  It  is  believed  that  Guaybana  accompanied 
him  to  see  and  admire  the  wonders  of  the  Spanish 
settlement.  The  gold  was  smelted  and  assayed,  and 
found  to  be  150  maravedis  per  peso  fine,  which  was 
not  as  fine  as  the  gold  obtained  in  la  Espanola,  but 
sufficiently  so  for  the  king  of  Spain’s  piirposes,  for  he 
wrote  to  Ponce  in  November,  1509:  ‘‘I  have  seen 
your  letter  of  August  16th.  Be  very  diligent  in 
searching  for  gold  mines  in  the  island  of  San  Juan; 
take  out  as  much  as  possible,  and  after  smelting  it  in 
la  Espanola,  send  it  immediately.” 

20 


Ponce  and  Ceron 


On  August  14th  of  the  same  year  Don  Fernando 
had  already  written  to  the  captain  thanking  him 
for  his  diligence  in  the  settlement  of  the  island  and 
appointing  him  governor  ad  interim. 

Ponce  returned  to  San  Juan  in  July  or  the  begin- 
ning of  August,  after  the  arrival  in  la  Espanola  of 
Diego,  the  son  of  Christopher  Columbus,  with  his 
family  and  a new  group  of  followers,  as  Viceroy  and 
Admiral.  The  Admiral,  aware  of  the  part  which 
Ponce  had  taken  in  the  insurrection  of  Koldan  against 
his  father’s  authority,  bore  him  no  good-will,  not- 
withstanding the  king’s  favorable  disposition  toward 
the  captain,  as  manifested  in  the  instructions  which 
he  received  from  Ferdinand  before  his  departure 
from  Spain  (May  13,  1509),  in  which  his  Highness 
referred  to  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  as  being  by  his 
special  grace  and  good-will  authorized  to  settle  the 
island  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  requesting  the  Admiral 
to  make  no  innovations  in  the  arrangement,  and 
charging  him  to  assist  and  favor  the  captain  in  his 
undertaking. 

After  Don  Diego’s  arrival  in  la  Espanola  he  re- 
ceived a letter  from  the  king,  dated  September  15, 
1509,  saying,  “ Ovando  wrote  that  Juan  Ponce  had 
not  gone  to  settle  the  island  of  San  Juan  for  want  of 
stores;  now  that  they  have  been  provided  in  abun- 
dance, let  it  be  done.” 

But  the  Admiral  purposely  ignored  these  instruc- 
tions. He  deposed  Ponce  and  appointed  Juan  Ceron 
as  governor  in  his  place,  with  a certain  Miguel  Diaz 
as  High  Constable,  and  Diego  Morales  for  the  office 
next  in  importance.  His  reason  for  thus  proceeding 

21 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

in  open  defiance  of  the  king’s  orders,  independent  of 
his  resentment  against  Ponce,  was  the  maintenance 
of  the  prerogatives  of  his  rank  as  conceded  to  his 
father,  of  which  the  appointment  of  governors  and 
mayors  over  any  or  all  the  islands  discovered  by  him 
was  one. 

Ceron  and  his  two  companions,  with  more  than 
two  hundred  Spaniards,  sailed  for  San  Juan  in  1509, 
and  were  well  received  by  Guaybana  and  his  Indians, 
among  whom  they  took  up  their  residence  and  at 
once  commenced  the  search  for  gold.  In  the  mean- 
time Ponce,  in  his  capacity  as  governor  ad  interim, 
continued  his  correspondence  with  the  king,  who, 
March  2,  1510,  signed  his  appointment  as  perma- 
nent governor.^  This  conferred  upon  him  the  power 
to  sentence  in  civil  and  criminal  affairs,  to  appoint 
and  remove  alcaldes,  constables,  etc.,  subject  to  ap- 
peal to  the  government  of  la  Espafiola.  Armed 
with  his  new  authority,  and  feeling  himself  strong  in 
the  protection  of  his  king,  Ponce  now  proceeded  to 
arrest  Ceron  and  his  two  fellow  ofilcials,  and  sent 
them  to  Spain  in  a vessel  that  happened  to  call  at  the 
island,  confiscating  all  their  property. 

Diego  Columbus,  on  hearing  of  Ponce’s  high- 
handed proceedings,  retaliated  by  the  confiscation  of 
all  the  captain’s  property  in  la  Espanola. 

These  events  did  not  reach  the  king’s  ears  till 
September,  1510.  He  comprehended  at  once  that  his 
protege  had  acted  precipitately,  and  gave  orders  that 

* The  document  is  signed  by  Ferdinand  and  his  daughter, 
Doha  Juana,  as  heir  to  her  mother,  for  the  part  corresponding 
to  each  in  the  sovereignty  over  the  island  San  Juan  Bautista. 

22 


Ponce  and  Ceron 


the  three  prisoners  should  be  set  at  liberty  immedi- 
ately after  their  arrival  in  Spain  and  proceed  to  the 
Court  to  appear  before  the  Council  of  Indies.  He 
next  ordered  Ponce  (November  26,  1510)  to  place 
the  confiscated  properties  and  Indians  of  Ceron  and 
his  companions  at  the  disposal  of  the  persons  they 
should  designate  for  that  purpose.  Finally,  after 
due  investigation  and  recognition  of  the  violence  of 
Ponce’s  proceedings,  the  king  wrote  to  him  June  6, 
1511:  “ Because  it  has  been  resolved  in  the  Council 
of  Indies  that  the  government  of  this  and  the  other 
islands  discovered  by  his  father  belongs  to  the  Ad- 
miral and  his  successors,  it  is  necessary  to  return  to 
Ceron,  Diaz,  and  Morales  their  staffs  of  office.  You 
will  come  to  Avhere  I am,  leaving  your  property  in 
good  security,  and  IVe  will  see  wherein  we  can  employ 
you  in  recompense  of  your  good  services.” 

Ceron  and  his  companions  received  instructions 
not  to  molest  Ponce  nor  any  of  his  officers,  nor 
demand  an  account  of  their  acts,  and  they  were 
recommended  to  endeavor  to  gain  their  good-will  and 
assistance.  The  reinstated  officers  returned  to  San 
Juan  in  the  latter  part  of  1511.  Ponce,  in  obedience 
to  the  king’s  commands,  quietly  delivered  the  staff  of 
office  to  Ceron,  and  withdrew  to  his  residence  in 
Caparra.  He  had  already  collected  considerable 
wealth,  which  was  soon  to  serve  him  in  other  adven- 
turous enterprises. 


23 


CHAPTER  IV 


FIRST  DISTRIBUTION  OF  INDIANS.  “ REPARTIMIENTOS  ” 

1510 

Soon  after  Ponce’s  return  from  la  Espanola 
Guaybana  sickened  and  died.  Up  to  this  time  the 
harmony  established  by  the  prudent  cacique  between 
his  tribesmen  and  the  Spaniards  on  their  first  arrival 
had  apparently  not  been  disturbed.  There  is  no 
record  of  any  dissension  between  them  during 
Ponce’s  absence. 

The  cacique  was  succeeded  by  his  brother,  who 
according  to  custom  assumed  the  name  of  the  deceased 
chief,  together  with  his  authority. 

The  site  for  his  first  settlement,  chosen  by  Ponce, 
was  a low  hill  in  the  center  of  a small  plain  surround- 
ed by  hills,  at  the  distance  of  a league  from  the  sea, 
the  whole  space  between  being  a swamp,  “ which,” 
says  Oviedo,  “ made  the  transport  of  supplies  very  dif- 
ficult.” Here  the  captain  commenced  the  construction 
of  a fortified  house  and  chapel,  or  hermitage,  and 
called  the  place  Caparra.^ 

Among  the  recently  arrived  Spaniards  there  was 

• The  scanty  remains  of  the  first  settlement  were  to  be  seen 
till  lately  in  the  Pueblo  Viejo  Ward,  municipal  district  of  Baya- 
mon,  along  the  road  which  leads  from  CataHo  to  Gurabo. 

24 


liuins  of  CapaiTa,  tlip  first  rapital. 

T?(‘i)roscnts  tlic  ruins  of  nn  old  sn^iir  cstnto  nonr  tlio  pliiro.  Tlic  ri'iil  roiniiins 
(’onsistod.  in  IsoCi.  of  trarps  of  a wall  or  walls  formimr  a reotancilp.  not  niorp  timii 
two  feet  to  three  feet  six  inelies  lii"h  in  sonic  places. 


First  Distribution  of  Indians 


a young  man  of  aristocratic  birth  named  Christo- 
pher de  Soto  ^layor,  who  possessed  powerful  friends 
at  Court.  He  had  been  secretary  to  King  Philip  I, 
and  according  to  Abbad,  was  intended  by  Ferdinand 
as  future  governor  of  San  Juan;  but  Sefior  Acosta, 
the  friar’s  commentator,  remarks  with  reason,  that  it 
is  not  likely  that  the  king,  who  showed  so  much  tact 
and  foresight  in  all  his  acts,  should  place  a young  man 
without  experience  over  an  old  soldier  like  Ponce,  for 
whom  he  had  a special  regard. 

The  young  hidalgo  seemed  to  aspire  to  nothing 
higher  than  a life  of  adventure,  for  he  agreed  to  go  as 
Ponce’s  lieutenant  and  form  a settlement  on  the 
south  coast  of  the  island  near  the  bay  of  Guanica. 

“ In  this  settlement,”  says  Oviedo,  “ there  were 
so  many  mosquitoes  that  they  alone  were  enough  to 
depopulate  it,  and  the  people  passed  to  Aguada,  which 
is  ^aid  to  be  to  the  west-nor’-west,  on  the  borders  of 
the  river  Culebrinas,  in  the  district  now  known  as 
Aguada  and  Aguadilla;  to  this  new  settlement  they 
gave  the  name  Sotomayor,  and  while  they  were  there 
the  Indians  rose  in  rebellion  one  Friday  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1511.” 

The  second  Guaybana  * was  far  from  sharing  his 
predecessor’s  good-will  toward  the  Spaniards  or  his 
prudence  in  dealing  with  them;  nor  was  the  conduct 
of  the  newcomers  toward  the  natives  calculated  to 
cement  the  bonds  of  friendship. 

* He  may  have  been  the  tenth  or  the  twentieth  if  what  the 
chroniclers  tell  us  about  the  adoption  of  the  defunct  caciquess’ 
names  by  their  successors  be  true. 

25 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Fancying  themselves  secure  in  the  friendly  dis- 
position of  the  natives,  prompted  by  that  spirit  of 
reckless  daring  and  adventure  that  distinguished  most 
of  the  followers  of  Columbus,  anxious  to  be  first  to 
find  a gold-bearing  stream  or  get  possession  of  some 
rich  piece  of  land,  they  did  not  confine  themselves 
to  the  two  settlements  formed,  but  spread  through 
the  interior,  -where  they  began  to  lay  out  farms  and 
to  work  the  auriferous  river  sands. 

In  the  beginning  the  natives  showed  themselves 
willing  enough  to  assist  in  these  labors,  but  -uFen  the 
brutal  treatment  to  which  the  people  of  la  Espafiola 
had  been  subjected  was  meted  out  to  them  also,  and 
the  greed  of  gold  caused  their  self-constituted  mas- 
ters to  exact  from  them  labors  beyond  their  strength, 
the  Indians  murmured,  then  protested,  at  last  they 
resisted,  and  at  each  step  the  taskmasters  became  more 
exacting,  more  relentless. 

At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  the 
natives  of  Boriquen  seem  to  have  led  an  Arcadian 
kind  of  existence;  their  bows  and  arrows  were  used 
only  when  some  party  of  Caribs  came  to  carry  off 
their  young  men  and  maidens.  Among  themselves 
they  lived  at  peace,  and  passed  their  days  in  lazily 
swinging  in  their  hammocks  and  playing  ball  or  danc- 
ing their  “ areytos.”  With  little  labor  the  cultivation 
of  their  patches  of  yucca  * required  was  performed  by 
the  women,  and  beyond  the  construction  of  their 
canoes  and  the  carving  of  some  battle  club,  they 
knew  no  industry,  except,  perhaps,  the  chipping  of 


* The  manioc  of  which  the  “casaba”  bread  is  made. 

26 


First  Distribution  of  Indians 


some  stone  into  the  rude  likeness  of  a man,  or  of  one 
of  the  few  animals  they  knew. 

These  creatures  were  suddenly  called  upon  to 
labor  from  morning  to  night,  to  dig  and  delve,  and 
to  stand  up  to  their  hips  in  water  washing  the  river 
sands.  They  were  forced  to  change  their  habits  and 
their  food,  and  from  free  and,  in  their  own  w’ay, 
happy  masters  of  the  soil  they  became  the  slaves  of  a 
handful  of  ruthless  men  from  beyond  the  sea.  When 
Ponce’s  order  to  distribute  them  among  his  men  con- 
firmed the  hopelessness  of  their  slavery,  they  looked 
upon  the  small  number  of  their  destroyers  and  began 
to  ask  themselves  if  there  were  no  means  of  getting 
rid  of  them. 

The  system  of  “ repartimientos  ” (distribution), 
sometimes  called  “ encomiendas  ” (patronage),  was 
first  introduced  in  la  Espafiola  by  Columbus  and 
sanctioned  later  by  royal  authority.  Father  Las  Casas 
insinuates  that  Ponce  acted  arbitrarily  in  introducing 
it  in  Boriquen,  but  there  were  precedents  for  it. 

The  first  tribute  imposed  by  Columbus  on  the  na- 
tives of  la  Espanola  was  in  gold  and  in  cotton  ^ (140.^). 
Recognizing  that  the  Indians  could  not  comply  with 
this  demand,  the  Admiral  modified  it,  but  still  they 
could  not  satisfy  him,  and  many,  to  escape  the  odious 
imposition,  fled  to  the  woods  and  mountains  or  wan- 
dered about  from  place  to  place.  The  Admiral,  in 

* A “cascabel”  (a  measure  the  size  of  one  of  the  round  bells 
used  in  Spain  to  hang  round  the  neck  of  the  leader  in  a troop  of 
mules)  full  of  gold  and  twenty-five  pounds  (an  arroba)  of  cotton 
every  three  months  for  every  Indian  above  sixteen  years  of  age. 

27 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

virtue  of  the  powers  granted  to  him,  had  divided  the 
land  among  his  followers  according  to  rank,  or  merit, 
or  caprice,  and  in  the  year  1496  substituted  the  forced 
labor  of  the  Indians  for  the  tribute,  each  cacique 
being  obliged  to  furnish  a stipulated  number  of  men 
to  cultivate  the  lands  granted.  Bohadilla,  the  Ad- 
miral’s successor,  made  this  obligation  to  work  on  the 
land  extend  to  the  mines,  and  in  the  royal  instructions 
given  to  Ovando,  w^ho  succeeded  Bohadilla,  these 
abuses  were  confirmed,  and  he  was  expressly  charged 
to  see  to  it  “ that  the  Indians  were  employed  in  col- 
lecting gold  and  other  metals  for  the  Castilians,  in 
cultivating  their  lands,  in  constructing  their  houses, 
and  in  obeying  their  commands.”  The  pretext  for 
these  abuses  was,  that  by  thus  bringing  the  natives 
into  immediate  contact  with  their  masters  they  would 
be  easier  converted  to  Christianity.  It  is  true  that 
the  royal  ordinances  stipulated  that  the  Indiaus 
should  be  well  treated,  and  be  paid  for  their  work 
like  free  laborers,  but  the  fact  that  they  were 
forced  to  w’ork  and  severely  punished  when  they  re- 
fused, constituted  them  slaves  in  reality.  The  royal 
recommendations  to  treat  them  w'ell,  to  pay  them  for 
their  work,  and  to  teach  them  the  Christian  doctrines, 
were  ignored  by  the  masters,  w’hose  only  object  was  to 
grow  rich.  The  Indians  were  tasked  far  beyond  their 
strength.  They  were  ill-fed,  often  not  fed  at  all,  bru- 
tally ill-treated,  horribly  punished  for  trying  to  escape 
from  the  hellish  yoke,  ruthlessly  slaughtered  at  the 
slightest  show  of  resistance,  so  that  thousands  of 
them  perished  miserably. 

This  had  been  the  fate  of  the  natives  of  la  Es- 
28 


First  Distribution  of  Indians 


pafiola,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  tbe  Bori- 
queilos  bad  learned  from  fugitives  of  that  island  wbat 
was  in  store  for  them  when  Ponce  ordered  tbeir  distri- 
bution among  tbe  settlers. 

Tbe  following  list  of  Indians  distributed  in  obedi- 
ence to  orders  from  tbe  metropobs  is  taken  from  tbe 
work  by  Don  Salvador  Brau.^  It  was  these  first 
distributions,  made  in  1509-’10,  which  led  to  tbe 
rebellion  of  tbe  Indians  and  the  distributions  that 
followed: 

Indians 

To  the  general  treasurer,  Pasamonte,  a man  described  by 


Acosta  as  malevolent,  insolent,  deceitful,  and  sordid 200 

To  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon 200 

To  Christopher  Soto  Mayor  * 100 

To  Vicente  Yahez  Pinzon,  on  condition  that  he  should  set- 
tle in  the  island 100 

To  Lope  de  Conchillos,  King  Ferdinand’s  Chief  Secretary, 

as  bad  a character  as  Pasamonte 100 

To  Pedro  Moreno  and  Jerome  of  Brussels,  the  delegate  and 

clerk  of  Conchillos  in  Boriquen,  100  each 200 

To  the  bachelor-at-law  Villalobos 80 

To  Francisco  Alvarado 80 


A total  of  1,060  defenseless  Indians  delivered  into  the  ruth- 
less hands  of  men  steeped  in  greed,  ambition,  and  selfishness. 


• Puerto  Rico  y su  historia,  p.  173. 

’ Among  the  Indians  given  to  Soto  Mayor  was  the  sister  of  the 
cacique  Guaybana  second.  She  became  his  concubine,  and  in 
return  for  the  preference  shown  her  she  gave  the  young  noble- 
man timely  warning  of  the  impending  rebellion. 


29 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  REBELLION 
1511 

The  sullen  but  passive  resistance  of  the  Indians 
was  little  noticed  by  the  Spaniards,  who  despised 
them  too  much  to  show  any  apprehension;  but  the 
number  of  fugitives  to  the  mountains  and  across  the 
sea  increased  day  by  day,  and  it  soon  became  known 
that  nocturnal  “ areytos  ” were  held,  in  which  the 
means  of  shaking  off  the  odious  yoke  were  discussed. 
Soto  Mayor  was  warned  by  his  paramour,  and  it  is 
probable  that  some  of  the  other  settlers  received  ad- 
vice through  the  same  channels;  still,  they  neglected 
even  the  ordinary  precautions. 

At  last,  a soldier  named  Juan  Gonzalez,  who  had 
learned  the  native  language  in  la  Espanola,  took  upon 
himself  to  discover  what  truth  there  was  in  these  per- 
sistent reports,  and,  naked  and  painted  so  as  to  appear 
like  one  of  the  Indians,  he  assisted  at  one  of  the  noc- 
turnal meetings,  where  he  learned  that  a serious  in- 
surrection was  indeed  brewing;  he  informed  Soto 
!Mayor  of  what  he  had  heard  and  seen,  and  the  latter 
now  became  convinced  of  the  seriousness  of  the 
danger. 

Before  Gonzalez  learned  what  was  going  on, 
30 


The  Rebellion 


Guaybana  had  summoned  the  neighboring  caciques 
to  a midnight  “ areyto  ” and  laid  his  plan  before  them, 
which  consisted  in  each  of  them,  on  a preconcerted 
day,  falling  upon  the  Spaniards  living  in  or  near  their 
respective  villages;  the  attack,  on  the  same  day,  on 
Soto  Mayor’s  settlement,  he  reserved  for  himself  and 
Guarionez,  the  cacique  of  Utuao. 

But  some  of  the  caciques  doubted  the  feasibility 
of  the  plan.  Had  not  the  fugitives  from  Quisqueia  ^ 
told  of  the  terrible  effects  of  the  shining  blades  they 
wore  by  their  sides  when  wielded  in  battle  by  the 
brawny  arms  of  the  dreaded  strangers?  Did  not  their 
own  arrows  glance  harmlessly  from  the  glittering 
scales  with  which  they  covered  their  bodies?  Was 
Guaybana  quite  sure  that  the  white-faced  invader 
could  be  killed  at  all?  The  majority  thought  that 
before  undertaking  their  extermination  they  ought  to 
be  sure  that  they  had  to  do  with  a mortal  enemy. 

Oviedo  and  Herrera  both  relate  how  they  pro- 
ceeded to  discover  this.  Urayoan,  the  cacique  of 
Yagiieca,  was  charged  with  the  experiment.  Chance 
soon  favored  him.  A young  man  named  Salcedo 
passed  through  his  village  to  join  some  friends.  He 
was  hospitably  received,  well  fed,  and  a number  of 
men  ^ were  told  to  accompany  him  and  carry  his  lug- 
gage. He  arrived  at  the  Guaorfiba,  a river  on  the 
west  side  of  the  island,  which  flows  into  the  bay  of  San 
German.  They  offered  to  carry  him  across.  The 
youth  accepted,  was  taken  up  between  two  of  the 

‘ La  Espanola. 

’ The  chroniclers  say  fifteen  or  twenty,  which  seems  an  exag- 
gerated number. 

4 


31 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

strongest  Indians,  who,  arriving  in  the  middle  of  the 
river,  dumped  him  under  water — then  they  fell  on 
him  and  held  him  down  till  he  struggled  no  more. 
Dragging  him  ashore,  they  now  begged  his  pardon, 
saying  that  they  had  stumbled,  and  called  upon  him 
to  rise  and  continue  the  voyage;  but  the  young  man 
did  not  move,  he  was  dead,  and  they  had  the  proof 
that  the  supposed  demi-gods  were  mortals  after  all. 

The  news  spread  like  wildfire,  and  from  that  day 
the  Indians  were  in  open  rebellion  and  began  to  take 
the  offensive,  shooting  their  arrows  and  otherwise 
molesting  every  Spaniard  they  happened  to  meet 
alone  or  off  his  guard. 

The  following  episode  related  by  Oviedo  illus- 
trates the  mental  disposition  of  the  natives  of  Bori- 
quen  at  this  period. 

Aymamon,  the  cacique  whose  village  was  on  the 
river  Culebrinas,  near  the  settlement  of  Soto  Mayor, 
had  surprised  a lad  of  sixteen  years  wandering  alone  in 
the  forest.  The  cacique  carried  him  off,  tied  him  to 
a post  in  his  hut  and  proposed  to  his  men  a game  of 
ball,  the  winner  to  have  the  privilege  of  convincing 
himself  and  the  others  of  the  mortality  of  their  ene- 
mies by  killing  the  lad  in  any  way  he  pleased.  For- 
tunately for  the  intended  victim,  one  of  the  Indians 
knew  the  youth’s  father,  one  Pedro  Juarez,  in  the 
neighboring  settlement,  and  ran  to  tell  him  of  the 
danger  that  menaced  his  son.  Captain  Diego  Sala- 
zar, who  in  Soto  Mayor’s  absence  was  iji  command  of 
the  settlement,  on  hearing  of  the  case,  took  his  sword 
and  buckler  and  guided  by  the  friendly  Indian, 
reached  the  village  while  the  game  for  the  boy’s  life 

32 


The  Rebellion 


was  going  on.  He  first  cut  the  lad’s  bonds,  and  with 
the  words  “ Do  as  you  see  me  do ! ” rushed  upon  the 
crowd  of  about  300  Indians  and  laid  about  him  right 
and  left  with  such  effect  that  they  had  no  chance  even 
of  defending  themselves.  Many  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  Aymamon  himself, 
and  Salazar  returned  in  triumph  with  the  boy. 

But  now  comes  the  curious  part  of  the  story, 
which  shows  the  character  of  the  Boriqueu  Indian  in 
a more  favorable  light. 

Aymamon,  feeling  himself  mortally  wounded, 
sent  a messenger  to  Salazar,  begging  him  to  come  to 
his  caney  or  hut  to  make  friends  with  him  before  he 
died.  Hone  but  a man  of  Salazar’s  intrepid  charac- 
ter would  have  thought  of  accepting  such  an  invita- 
tion; but  he  did,  and,  saying  to  young  Juarez,  who 
begged  his  deliverer  not  to  go:  “ They  shall  not  think 
that  I’m  afraid  of  them,”  he  went,  shook  hands  with 
the  dying  chief,  changed  names  with  him,  and  re- 
turned unharmed  amid  the  applauding  shouts  of 
“Salazar!  Salazar!”  from  the  multitude,  among 
whom  his  Toledo  blade  had  made  such  havoc.  It  was 
evident  from  this  that  they  held  courage,  such  as 
the  captain  had  displayed,  in  high  esteem.  To  the 
other  Spaniards  they  used  to  say:  “ We  are  not  afraid 
of  you,  for  you  are  not  Salazar.” 

It  was  in  the  beginning  of  Jime,  1511.  The  day 
fixed  by  Guaybana  for  the  general  rising  had  arrived. 
Soto  Mayor  was  still  in  his  grange  in  the  territory  un- 
der the  cacique’s  authority,  but  having  received  the 
confirmation  of  the  approaching  danger  from  Gon- 

33 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

zalez,  he  now  resolved  at  once  to  place  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  men  in  the  Aguada  settlement.  The  dis- 
tance was  great,  and  he  had  to  traverse  a country 
thickly  peopled  by  Indians  whom  he  now  knew  to  be 
in  open  rebellion;  but  he  was  a Spanish  hidalgo  and 
did  not  hesitate  a moment.  The  morning  after  re- 
ceiving the  report  of  Gonzalez  he  left  his  grange  with 
that  individual  and  four  other  companions. 

Guaybana,  hearing  of  Soto  Mayor’s  departure, 
started  in  pursuit.  Gonzalez,  who  had  lagged  behind, 
was  first  overtaken,  disarmed,  wounded  with  his  own 
sword,  and  left  for  dead.  Xear  the  river  Yauco  the 
Indians  came  upon  Soto  Mayor  and  his  companions, 
and  though  there  were  no  witnesses  to  chronicle  what 
happened,  we  may  safely  assert  that  they  sold  their 
lives  dear,  till  the  last  of  them  fell  under  the  clubs 
of  the  infuriated  savages. 

That  same  night  Guarionex  with  3,000  Indians 
stealthily  surrounded  the  settlement  and  set  fire  to 
it,  slaughtering  all  who,  in  trying  to  escape,  fell  into 
their  hands.^ 

In  the  interior  nearly  a hundred  Spaniards  were 
killed  during  the  night.  Gonzalez,  though  left  for 
dead,  had  been  able  to  make  his  way  through  the 
forest  to  the  royal  grange,  situated  where  now  Toa- 
Baja  is.  He  was  in  a pitiful  plight,  and  fell  in  a 
swoon  when  he  crossed  the  threshold  of  the  house. 
Being  restored  to  consciousness,  he  related  to  the 

* Salazar  was  able  in  the  dark  and  the  confusion  of  the  attack 
on  the  settlement  to  rally  a handful  of  followers,  with  whom  he 
cut  his  way  through  the  Indians  and  through  the  jungle  to  Ca- 
p4rra. 


34 


The  Rebellion 


Spaniards  present  what  was  going  on  near  the  Cule* 
brinas,  and  they  sent  a messenger  to  Caparra  at 
once. 

Immediately  on  receipt  of  the  news  from  the 
grange,  Ponce  sent  Captain  Miguel  del  Toro  with 
40  men  to  the  assistance  of  Soto  Mayor,  but  he  found 
the  settlement  in  ashes  and  only  the  bodies  of  those 
who  had  perished. 


35 


CHAPTER  VI 


THE  REBELLION  (continued) 

1511 

Salazar’s  arrival  at  Caparra  with  a handful  of 
wounded  and  exhausted  men  revealed  to  Ponce  the 
danger  of  his  situation.  Ponce  knew  that  it  was 
necessary  to  strike  a bold  blow,  and  although,  in- 
cluding the  maimed  and  wounded,  he  had  but  120  men 
at  his  disposal,  he  prepared  at  once  to  take  the  offen- 
sive. 

Sending  a messenger  to  la  Espanola  with  the  news 
of  the  insurrection  and  a demand  for  reenforcements, 
which,  seeing  his  strained  relations  with  the  Ad- 
miral, there  was  small  chance  of  his  obtaining,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  divide  his  force  in  four  companies  of  30 
men  to  each,  and  gave  command  to  Miguel  del  Toro, 
the  future  founder  of  San  German,  to  Louis  de 
Ahasco,  who  later  gave  his  name  to  a province,  to 
Louis  Almanza  and  to  Diego  Salazar,  whose  company 
was  made  up  exclusively  of  the  maimed  and  wound- 
ed, and  therefore  called  in  good-humored  jest  the 
company  of  cripples. 

Having  learned  from  his  scouts  that  Guaybana 
was  camped  with  5,000  to  6,000  men  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Coayrico  in  the  territory  between 

36 


The  Rebellion 


the  Yauco  and  Jacagua  rivers,  somewhere  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  city  which  now  bears  the  con- 
queror’s name,  he  marched  with  great  precaution 
through  forest  and  jungle  till  he  reached  the  river. 
He  crossed  it  during  the  night  and  fell  upon  the  In- 
dians with  such  impetus  that  they  believed  their  slain 
enemies  to  have  come  to  life.  They  fled  in  confusion, 
leaving  200  dead  upon  the  field. 

The  force  under  Ponce’s  command  was  too  small 
to  follow  up  his  victory  by  the  persecution  of  the  ter- 
ror-stricken natives;  nor  would  the  exhausted  condi- 
tion of  the  men  have  permitted  it,  so  he  wisely  de- 
termined to  return  to  Caparra,  cure  his  wounded 
soldiers,  and  await  the  result  of  his  message  to  la  Es- 
panola. 

Oviedo  and  Navarro,  whose  narratives  of  these 
events  are  repeated  by  Abbad,  state  that  the  Bori- 
quen  Indians,  despairing  of  being  able  to  vanquish 
the  Spaniards,  called  the  Caribs  of  the  neighboring 
islands  to  their  aid;  that  the  latter  arrived  in  groups 
to  make  common  cause  with  them,  and  that  some  time 
after  the  battle  of  Coayiico,  between  Caribs  and  Bori- 
quenos,  11,000  men  had  congregated  in  the  Aymaco 
district. 

But  Mr.  Brau  * calls  attention  to  the  improbabil- 
ity of  such  a gathering.  “ Guaybana,”  he  says,  “ had 
been  al)le,  after  long  preparation,  to  bring  together 
between  5,000  and  6,000  warriors — of  these  200  had 
been  slain,  and  an  equal  number,  perhaps,  wounded 
and  made  prisoners,  so  that,  to  make  up  the  number  of 


* Puerto  Eico  j su  Historia,  p.  189. 

37 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

11,000,  at  least  as  many  Caribs  as  the  entire  warrior 
force  of  Boriquen  must  have  come  to  the  island  in  the 
short  space  of  time  elapsed  since  the  first  battle.  The 
islands  inhabited  by  the  Caribs — Santa  Cruz,  San 
Eustaquio,  San  Cristobal,  and  Dominica — were  too 
distant  to  furnish  so  large  a contingent  in  so  short  a 
time,  and  the  author  we  are  quoting  justly  remarks 
that,  admitting  that  such  a feat  was  possible,  they 
must  have  had  at  their  disposition  a fleet  of  at  least 
200  canoes,  each  capable  of  holding  20  men,  a number 
which  it  is  not  likely  they  ever  possessed.” 

There  is  another  reason  for  discrediting  the  asser- 
tions of  the  old  chroniclers  in  this  respect.  The  idea 
of  calling  upon  their  enemies,  the  Caribs,  to  make 
common  cause  with  them  against  a foe  from  whom 
the  Caribs  themselves  had,  as  yet,  suffered  compara- 
tively little,  and  the  ready  acceptance  by  these  savages 
of  the  proposal,  presupposes  an  amount  of  foresight 
and  calculation,  of  diplomatic  tact,  so  to  speak,  in 
both  the  Boriquenos  and  Caribs  with  which  it  is 
difiicult  to  credit  them. 

The  probable  explanation  of  the  alleged  arrival  of 
Caribs  is  that  some  of  the  fiigitive  Indians  who  had 
found  a refuge  in  the  small  islands  close  to  Boriquen 
may  have  been  informed  of  the  preparations  for  a 
revolt  and  of  the  result  of  the  experiment  with  Sal- 
cedo, and  they  naturally  came  to  take  part  in  the 
struggle. 

On  hearing  of  the  ominous  gathering  Ponce  sent 
Louis  Anasco  and  Miguel  del  Toro  with  50  men  to 
reconnoiter  and  watch  the  Indians  closely,  while  he 
himself  followed  with  the  rest  of  his  small  force  to  be 

38 


The  Rebellion 


present  where  and  when  it  might  be  necessary.  Their 
approach  was  soon  discovered,  and,  as  if  eager  for 
battle,  one  cacique  named  Mabodomaca,  who  had  a 
band  of  600  picked  men,  sent  the  governor  an  insolent 
challenge  to  come  on.  Salazar  with  his  company  of 
cripples  was  chosen  to  silence  him.  After  recon- 
noitering  the  cacique’s  position,  he  gave  his  men  a 
much-needed  rest  till  after  midnight,  and  then  dashed 
among  them  with  his  accustomed  recklessness.  The 
Indians,  though  taken  by  surprise,  defended  them- 
selves bravely  for  three  hours,  “ but,”  says  Father 
Abbad,  “ God  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Spaniards,” 
and  the  result  was  that  150  dead  natives  were  left  on 
the  field,  with  many  wounded  and  prisoners.  The 
Spaniards  had  not  lost  a man,  though  the  majority 
had  received  fresh  wounds. 

Ponce,  with  his  reserve  force,  arrived  soon  after 
the  battle  and  found  Salazar  and  his  men  resting. 
From  them  he  learned  that  the  main  body  of  the 
Indians,  to  the  number  of  several  thousand,  was 
in  the  territory  of  Yaciieca  (now  Anasco)  and  seem- 
ingly determined  upon  the  extermination  of  the 
Spaniards. 

The  captain  resolved  to  go  and  meet  the  enemy 
without  regard  to  numbers.  With  Salazar’s  men  and 
the  50  under  Anasco  and  Toro  he  marched  upon 
them  at  once.  Choosing  an  advantageous  position, 
he  gave  orders  to  form  an  entrenched  camp  with 
fascines  as  well,  and  as  quickly  as  the  men  could, 
while  he  kept  the  Indians  at  bay  with  his  arquebusiers 
and  crossbowmen  each  time  they  made  a rush,  which 
they  did  repeatedly.  In  this  manner  they  succeeded 

39 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

in  entrenching  themselves  fairly  well.  The  cross- 
bowmen and  arquebusiers  went  out  from  time  to 
time,  delivered  a volley  among  the  close  masses  of 
Indians  and  then  withdrew.  These  tactics  were  con- 
tinued during  the  night  and  all  the  next  day,  much  to 
the  disgust  of  the  soldiers,  who,  wounded,  weary,  and 
hungry,  without  hope  of  rescue,  heard  the  yells  of 
the  savages  challenging  them  to  come  out  of  their 
camp.  They  preferred  to  rush  among  them,  as  they 
had  so  often  done  before.  But  Ponce  would  not  per- 
mit it. 

Among  the  arquebusiers  the  best  shot  was  a cer- 
tain Juan  de  Leon.  This  man  had  received  instruc- 
tions from  Ponce  to  watch  closely  the  movements  of 
Guaybana,  who  was  easily  distinguishable  from  the 
rest  by  the  “ guanin,”  or  disk  of  gold  which  he  wore 
round  the  neck.  On  the  second  day,  the  cacique  was 
seen  to  come  and  go  actively  from  group  to  group, 
evidently  animating  his  men  for  a general  assault. 
"While  thus  engaged  he  came  within  the  range  of 
Leon’s  arquebus,  and  a moment  after  he  fell  pierced 
by  a well-directed  ball.  The  effect  was  what  Ponce 
had  doubtless  expected.  The  Indians  yelled  with 
dismay  and  ran  far  beyond  the  range  of  the  deadly 
weapons;  nor  did  they  attempt  to  return  or  molest 
the  Spaniards  when  Ponce  led  them  that  night  from 
the  camp  and  through  the  forest  back  to  Caparra. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  After  the 
death  of  Guaybana  no  other  cacique  ever  attempted 
an  organized  resistance,  and  the  partial  uprisings 
that  took  place  for  years  afterward  were  easily  sup- 
pressed. The  report  of  the  arquebus  that  laid  Guay- 

40 


The  Rebellion 

bana  low  was  the  death-knell  of  the  whole  Boriquen 
race. 

The  name  of  the  island  remained  as  a reminis- 
cence only,  and  the  island  itself  became  definitely  a 
dependency  of  the  Spanish  crown  under  the  new 
name  of  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Puerto  Eico. 


41 


CHAPTER  VII 


NUMBER  OF  ABORIGINAL  INHABITANTS  AND  SECOND 
DISTRIBUTION  OF  INDIANS 

1511-1515 

Friar  Bartolome  de  Las  Casas,  in  his  Rela- 
tion of  the  Indies,  says  with  reference  to  this  island, 
that  when  the  Spaniards  under  the  orders  of  Juan 
Ceron  landed  here  in  1509,  it  was  as  full  of  people  as 
a beehive  is  full  of  bees  and  as  beautiful  and  fertile 
as  an  orchard.  This  simile  and  some  probably  in- 
correct data  from  the  Geography  of  Bayacete  led 
Friar  Inigo  Abbad  to  estimate  the  number  of  aborigi- 
nal inhabitants  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  at  600,- 
000,  a number  for  which  there  is  no  warrant  in  any  of 
the  writings  of  the  Spanish  chroniclers,  and  which 
Acosto,  Bran,  and  Stahl,  the  best  authorities  on 
matters  of  Puerto  Rican  history,  reject  as  extremely 
exaggerated. 

Mr.  Brail  gives  some  good  reasons  for  reducing 
the  number  to  about  16,000,  though  it  seems  to  us 
that  since  little  or  nothing  was  known  of  the  island, 
except  that  part  of  it  in  which  the  events  related  in  the 
preceding  chapters  took  place,  any  reasoning  regard- 
ing the  population  of  the  whole  island,  based  upon  a 
knowledge  of  a part  of  it,  is  liable  to  error.  Ponce’s 

42 


Second  Distribution  of  Indians 


conquest  was  limited  to  the  northern  and  western  lit- 
toral; the  interior  with  the  southern  and  eastern  dis- 
tricts were  not  settled  by  the  Spaniards  till  some  years 
after  the  death  of  Guaybana;  and  it  seems  likely  that 
there  were  caciques  in  those  parts  who,  by  reason  of 
the  distance  or  other  impediments,  took  no  part  in  the 
uprising  against  the  Spaniards.  For  the  rest,  Mr. 
Bran’s  reasonings  in  support  of  his  reduction  to 
16,000  of  the  number  of  aborigines,  are  undoubt- 
edly correct.  They  are:  First.  The  improbability  of 
a small  island  like  this,  in  an  uncultivated  state, 
producing  sufficient  food  for  such  large  numbers. 
Second.  The  fact  that  at  the  first  battle  (that  of 
Jacaguas),  in  which  he  supposes  the  whole  avail- 
able warrior  force  of  the  island  to  have  taken  part, 
there  were  5,000  to  6,000  men  only,  which  force 
would  have  been  much  stronger  had  the  population 
been  anything  near  the  number  given  by  Abbad; 
and,  finally,  the  number  of  Indians  distributed 
after  the  cessation  of  organized  resistance  was  only 
5,500,  as  certified  by  Sancho  Velasquez,  the  judge 
appointed  in  1515  to  rectify  the  distributions  made 
by  Ceron  and  Moscoso,  and  by  Captain  Melarejo 
in  his  memorial  drawn  up  in  1582  by  order  of 
the  captain-general,  which  number  would  necessarily 
have  been  much  larger  if  the  total  aboriginal  popula- 
tion had  been  but  60,000,  instead  of  600,000. 

The  immediate  consequence  to  the  natives  of  the 
panic  and  partial  submission  that  followed  the  death 
of  their  leader  was  another  and  more  extensive  dis- 
tribution. 


43 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

The  first  distributions  of  Indians  had  been  but  the 
extension  to  San  Juan  of  the  system  as  practised  in 
la  Espauola,  which  consisted  in  granting  to  the  crown 
officers  in  recompense  for  services  or  as  an  inducement 
to  settle  in  the  island,  a certain  number  of  natives.' 
In  this  way  1,060  Boriquenos  had  been  disposed  of  in 
1509  to  9 persons.  The  ill  usage  to  which  they  saw 
them  subjected  drove  the  others  to  rebellion,  and  now, 
vae  victis,  the  king,  on  hearing  of  the  rebellion,  wrote 
to  Ceron  and  Diaz  (July,  1511):  “To  ‘pacify’  the 
Indians  you  must  go  well  armed  and  terrorize  them. 
Take  their  canoes  from  them,  and  if  they  refuse  to  be 
reduced  with  reason,  make  war  upon  them  by  fire  and 
sword,  taking  care  not  to  kill  more  than  necessary, 
and  send  JO  or  50  of  them  to  ‘ la  Espanola  ’ to  serve 
us  as  slaves,  etc.”  To  Ponce  he  wrote  on  October 
10th : “ I give  you  credit  for  your  labors  in  the  ‘ paci- 
fication ’ and  for  having  marked  with  an  F on  their 
foreheads  all  the  Indians  taken  in  war,  making  slaves 
of  them  and  selling  them  to  the  highest  bidders,  sepa- 
rating the  fifth  part  of  the  product  for  Us.” 

This  time  not  only  the  120  companions  of  Ponce 
came  in  for  their  share  of  the  living  spoils  of  war,  but 
the  followers  of  Ceron  claimed  and  obtained  theirs 
also. 

The  following  is  the  list  of  Indians  distributed 

* The  king’s  favorites  in  the  metropolis,  anxious  to  enrich 
themselves  by  these  means,  obtained  grants  of  Indians  and  sent 
their  stewards  to  administer  them.  Thus,  in  la  Espanola,  Con- 
chillos,  the  secretary,  had  1,100  Indians;  Bishop  Fonseca,  800; 
Hernando  de  la  Vega,  200,  and  many  others.  “ The  Indians  thus 
disposed  of  were,  as  a rule,  tlie  worst  treated,”  says  Las  Casas. 

44 


Second  Distribution  of  Indians 


after  the  battle  of  Yaciieca  (if  battle  it  may  be  called) 
as  given  by  JMr.  Bran,  who  obtained  the  details  from 
the  unpublished  documents  of  Juan  Bautista  Munoz: 

Indians 


To  the  estates  (haciendas)  of  their  royal  Highnesses 500 

Baltasar  de  Castro,  the  factor 200 

Miguel  Diaz,  the  chief  constable 200 

Juan  Ceron,  the  mayor 150 

Diego  Morales,  bachelor-at-law 150 

Amador  de  Lares 150 

Louis  Soto  Mayor 100 

Miguel  Diaz,  Daux-faetor 100 

the  (municipal)  council 100 

the  hospitals 100 

Bishop  Manso 100 

Sebastian  de  la  Gama 90 

Gil  de  Malpartida 70 

J uan  Bono  (a  merchant) 70 

Juan  Velasquez 70 

Antonio  Rivadeneyra 60 

Gracian  Cansino 60 

Louis  Aqueyo 60 

the  apothecary 60 

Francisco  Cereceda 50 

40  other  individuals  40  each 1,600 


4,040 

Distributed  in  1509 1,060 

Total '5,100 


These  numbers  included  women  and  children  old 
enough  to  perform  some  kind  of  labor.  They  were 
employed  in  the  mines,  or  in  the  rivers  rather  (for  it 
was  alluvium  gold  only  that  the  island  offered  to  the 
greed  of  tli6  so-called  conquerors);  they  were  em- 
ployed on  the  plantations  as  beasts  of  burden,  and  in 
every  conceivable  capacity  under  taskmasters  who, 

45 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

in  spite  of  Ferdinand’s  revocation  of  the  order  to  re- 
duce them  to  slavery  (September,  1514),  had  acted 
on  his  first  dispositions  and  believed  themselves  to 
have  the  royal  warrant  to  work  them  to  death. 

The  king’s  more  lenient  dispositions  came  too  late. 
They  were  powerless  to  check  the  abuses  that  were 
being  committed  under  his  own  previous  ordinances. 
The  Indians  disappeared  with  fearful  rapidity.  Li- 
centiate Sancho  Velasquez,  who  had  made  the  sec- 
ond distribution,  wrote  to  the  king  April  27,  1515: 

. . Excepting  your  Highnesses’  Indians  and  those 
of  the  crown  officers,  there  are  not  4,000  left.” 
On  August  8th  of  the  same  year  the  officers  them- 
selves wrote:  . . The  last  smeltings  have  pro- 

duced little  gold.  Many  Indians  have  died  from 
disease  caused  by  the  hurricane  as  well  as  from  want 
of  food.  . . .” 

To  readjust  the  proportion  of  Indians  according 
to  the  position  or  other  claims  of  each  individual,  new 
distribiitions  were  resorted  to.  In  these,  some  favored 
individiials  obtained  all  they  wanted  at  the  expense 
of  others,  and  as  the  number  of  distributable  Indians 
gi’ew  less  and  less,  reclamations,  discontent,  strife 
and  rebellion  broke  out  among  the  oppressors,  who 
thus  wreaked  upon  each  other’s  heads  the  criminal 
treatment  of  the  natives  of  which  they  were  all  alike 
guilty. 

Such  had  been  the  course  of  events  in  la  Espanola. 
The  same  causes  had  the  same  effects  here.  Herrera 
relates  that  when  Miguel  de  Pasamonte,  the  royal 
treasurer,  arrived  in  the  former  island,  in  1508,  it 
contained  60,000  aboriginal  inhabitants.  Six  years 

46 


Second  Distribution  of  Indians 


later,  when  a new  distribution  had  become  necessary, 
there  were  but  14,000  left — the  others  had  been 
freed  by  the  hand  of  death  or  were  leading  a wander- 
ing life  in  the  mountains  and  forests  of  their  island. 
In  this  island  the  process  was  not  so  rapid,  but  none 
the  less  effective. 


5 


47 


CHAPTER  VIII 


LAWS  AND  OEDINAIfCES 
1511-1515 

We  have  seen  how  Diego  Columbus  suspended 
Ponce  in  his  functions  as  governor  ad  interim,  and 
how  the  captain  after  obtaining  from  the  king  his 
appointment  as  permanent  governor  sent  the  Ad- 
miral’s nominees  prisoners  to  the  metropolis.  The 
king,  though  inclined  to  favor  the  captain,  sub- 
mitted the  matter  to  his  Indian  council,  which  de- 
cided that  the  nomination  of  governors  and  mayors 
over  the  islands  discovered  by  Christopher  Columbus 
corresponded  to  his  son.  As  a consequence,  Ceron 
and  Diaz  were  reinstated  in  their  respective  offices, 
and  they  were  on  their  way  back  to  San  Juan  a few 
months  after  Ponce’s  final  success  over  the  rebellious 
Indians. 

Before  their  departure  from  Spain  they  received 
the  following  instructions,  characteristic  of  the  times 
and  of  the  royal  personage  who  imparted  them: 

1.  You  will  take  over  your  offices  very  peace- 
ably, endeavoring  to  gain  the  good-will  of  Ponce  and 
his  friends,  that  they  may  become  your  friends  also, 
to  the  island’s  advantage. 

I 48 


Laws  and  Ordinances 


“ 2.  This  done,  you  will  attend  to  the  ‘ pacifica- 
tion ’ of  the  Indians. 

“ 3.  Let  many  of  them  be  employed  in  the  mines 
and  be  well  treated. 

“ 4.  Let  many  Indians  be  brought  from  the  other 
islands  and  be  well  treated.  Let  the  officers  of  justice 
be  favored  (in  the  distributions  of  Indians). 

“ 5.  Be  very  careful  that  no  meat  is  eaten  in 
Lent  or  other  fast  days,  as  has  been  done  till  now  in 
la  Espanola. 

“ 6.  Let  those  who  have  Indians  occupy  a third 
of  their  number  in  the  mines. 

“ 7.  Let  great  care  be  exercised  in  the  salt-pits, 
and  one  real  be  paid  for  each  celemin  ^ extracted,  as 
is  done  in  la  Espanola. 

“ 8.  Send  me  a list  of  the  number  and  class  of  In- 
dians distributed,  if  Ponce  has  not  done  so  already, 
and  of  those  who  have  distinguished  themselves  in 
this  rebellion. 

“ 9.  You  are  aware  that  ever  since  the  sacraments 
have  been  administered  in  these  islands,  storms  and 
earthquakes  have  ceased.  Let  a chapel  be  built  at 
once  with  the  advocation  of  Saint  John  the  Baptist, 
and  a monastery,  though  it  be  a small  one,  for  Fran- 
ciscan friars,  whose  doctrine  is  very  salutary. 

“ 10.  Have  great  care  in  the  mines  and  continu- 
ally advise  Pasamonte  (the  treasurer)  or  his  agent  of 
what  happens  or  what  may  be  necessary. 

“ 11.  Take  the  youngest  Indians  and  teach  them 


* The  twelfth  part  of  a “ fanega,”  equal  to  about  two  gallons, 
dry  measure. 


49 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

the  Christian  doctrine;  they  can  afterward  teach  the 
others  with  better  results. 

“ 12.  Let  there  be  no  swearing  or  blasphemy;  im- 
pose heavy  penalties  thereon. 

“ 13.  Do  not  let  the  Indians  be  overloaded,  but 
be  well  treated  rather. 

“ 14.  Try  to  keep  the  Caribs  from  coming  to  the 
island,  and  report  what  measures  it  will  be  advisable 
to  adopt  against  them.  To  make  the  natives  do  what 
is  wanted,  it  will  be  convenient  to  take  from  them, 
with  cunning  (con  mafia),  all  the  canoes  they  possess. 

“ 15.  You  will  obey  the  contents  of  these  instruc- 
tions until  further  orders. 

“ Tordesillas,  25th  of  July,  1511. 

“ F.,  King.’’ 

It  is  clear  from  the  above  instructions  that,  in  the 
king’s  mind,  there  was  no  inconsistency  in  making  the 
Indians  work  in  the  mines  and  their  good  treatment. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  both  he  and  Doha  Juana, 
his  daughter,  who,  as  heir  to  her  mother,  exercised  the 
royal  authority  with  him,  sincerely  desired  the  well- 
being of  the  natives  as  far  as  compatible  with  the 
exigencies  of  the  treasury. 

For  the  increase  of  the  white  population  and  the 
development  of  commerce  and  agriculture,  liberal 
measures,  according  to  the  ideas  of  the  age,  were  dic- 
tated as  early  as  February,  1511,  w’ben  the  same  com- 
mercial and  political  franchises  were  granted  to  San 
Juan  as  to  la  Espahola. 

On  July  25th  the  price  of  salt,  the  sale  of  which 
was  a royal  monopoly,  was  reduced  by  one-half,  and 

50 


Laws  and  Ordinances 


in  October  of  the  same  year  the  following  rights  and 
privileges  were  decreed  by  the  king  and  published  by 
the  crown  officers  in  Seville: 

“ 1st.  Any  one  may  take  provisions  and  merchan- 
dise to  San  Juan,  which  is  now  being  settled,  and  re- 
side there  with  the  same  freedom  as  in  la  Espanola. 

“ 2d.  Any  Spaniard  may  freely  go  to  the  Indies 
— that  is,  to  la  Espailola  and  to  San  Juan — by  simply 
presenting  himself  to  the  officials  in  Seville,  without 
giving  any  further  information  (about  himself). 

“ 3d.  Any  Spaniard  may  take  to  the  Indies  what 
arms  he  wishes,  notwithstanding  the  prohibition. 

“ 4th.  His  Highness  abolishes  the  contribution 
by  the  owners  of  one  ‘ Castellano  ’ for  every  Indian 
they  possess. 

5th.  Those  to  whom  the  Admiral  grants  permis- 
sion to  bring  Indians  (from  other  islands)  and  who 
used  to  pay  the  fifth  of  their  value  (to  the  royal 
treasurer)  shall  l)e  allowed  to  bring  them  free. 

“ 6th.  Indians  once  given  to  any  person  shall 
never  be  taken  from  him,  except  for  delinquencies, 
punishable  by  forfeiture  of  property. 

“ Yth.  This  disposition  reduces  the  king’s  share 
in  the  produce  of  the  gold-mines  from  one-fiftli  and 
one-ninth  to  one-fifth  and  one-tenth,  and  extends  the 
privilege  of  working  them  from  one  to  two  jmars. 

“ 8th.  Whosoever  wishes  to  conquer  any  part  of 
the  continent  or  of  the  gulf  of  pearls,  may  apply  to 
the  officials  in  Seville,  who  will  give  him  a license, 
etc.” 

The  construction  of  a smelting  oven  for  the  gold, 
of  hospitals  and  churches  for  each  new  settlement, 

51 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

the  making  of  roads  and  bridges  and  other  disposi- 
tions, wise  and  good  in  themselves,  Avere  also  decreed; 
hut  they  became  new  causes  of  affliction  for  the  In- 
dians, inasmuch  as  they  paid  for  them  with  their 
labor.  For  example:  to  the  man  who  undertook  to 
construct  and  maintain  a hospital,  100  Indians  were 
assigned.  He  hired  them  out  to  work  in  the  mines  or 
on  the  plantations,  and  with  the  sums  thus  received 
often  covered  more  than  the  expense  of  maintaining 
the  hospital. 

The  curious  medley  of  religious  zeal,  philanthro- 
py, and  gold-hunger,  communicated  to  the  first  gov- 
ernors under  the  title  of  “ instructions  ” did  not  long 
keep  them  in  doubt  as  to  which  of  the  three — the  ob- 
servance of  religious  practises,  the  kind  treatment  of 
the  natives,  or  the  remittance  of  gold — was  most  es- 
sential to  secure  the  king’s  favor.  It  was  not  secret 
that  the  monarch,  in  his  private  instructions,  went 
straight  to  the  point  and  wasted  no  words  on  religious 
or  humanitarian  considerations,  the  proof  of  Avhich  is 
his  letter  to  Ponce,  dated  HoA’ember  11,  1509.  I 
have  seen  your  letter  of  August  16th.  Be  very  dili- 
gent in  searching  for  gold.  Take  out  as  much  as  you 
can,  and  having  smolten  it  in  la  Espanola,  send  it  at 
once.  Settle  the  island  as  best  you  can.  Write  often 
and  let  Us  know  what  happens  and  Avhat  may  be 
necessary.” 

It  was  but  natural,  therefore,  that  the  royal 
recommendations  of  clemency  remained  a dead  letter, 
and  that,  under  the  pressure  of  the  incessant  demand 
for  gold,  the  Indians  w'ere  reduced  to  the  most  abject 
state  of  misery. 


52 


Colmnliiis  moiuiiiieiil,  noar  Ajjmidilla. 


Laws  and  Ordinances 


Until  the  year  1512  the  Indians  remained  rest- 
less and  subordinate,  and  in  July,  1513,  the  efforts  of 
the  rulers  in  Spain  to  ameliorate  their  condition  were 
embodied  in  what  are  known  as  the  Ordinances  of 
Valladolid. 

These  ordinances,  after  enjoining  a general  kind 
treatment  of  the  natives,  recommend  that  small  pieces 
of  land  be  assigned  to  them  on  which  to  cultivate  corn, 
yucca,  cotton,  etc.,  and  raise  fowls  for  their  own 
maintenance.  The  “ encomendero,”  or  master,  was  to 
construct  four  rustic  huts  for  every  50  Indians.  They 
were  to  be  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian 
religion,  the  new-born  babes  were  to  be  baptized, 
polygamy  to  be  prohibited.  They  were  to  attend 
mass  with  their  masters,  who  were  to  teach  one 
young  man  in  every  forty  to  read.  The  boys  who 
served  as  pages  and  domestic  servants  were  to  be 
taught  by  the  friars  in  the  convents,  and  afterward 
returned  to  the  estates  to  teach  the  others.  The  men 
were  not  to  carry  excessively  heavy  loads.  Pregnant 
women  were  not  to  work  in  the  mines,  nor  was  it  per- 
mitted to  beat  them  with  sticks  or  whips  under  pen- 
alty of  five  gold  pesos.  They  were  to  be  provided  with 
food,  clothing,  and  a hammock.  Their  areytos  ” 
(dances)  were  not  to  be  interrupted,  and  inspectors 
were  to  be  elected  among  the  Spaniards  to  see  that  all 
these  and  former  dispositions  were  complied  with, 
and  all  negligence  on  the  part  of  the  masters  severely 
punished. 

The  credit  for  these  well-intentioned  ordinances 
undoubtedly  belongs  to  the  Dominican  friars,  who 
from  the  earliest  days  of  the  conquest  had  nobly 

53 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

espoused  the  cause  of  the  Indians  and  denounced 
the  cruelties  committed  on  them  in  no  measured 
terms. 

Friar  Antonia  Montesinos,  in  a sermon  preached 
in  la  Espahola  in  1511,  which  was  attended  by  Diego 
Columbus,  the  crown  officers,  and  all  the  notabilities, 
denounced  their  proceedings  with  regard  to  the  In- 
dians so  vehemently  that  they  left  the  church  deeply 
offended,  and  that  same  day  intimated  to  the  bishop 
the  necessity  of  recantation,  else  the  Order  should 
leave  the  island.  The  bishop  answered  that  Monte- 
sinos had  but  expressed  the  opinion  of  the  whole  com- 
munity; but  that,  to  allay  the  scandal  among  the 
lower  class  of  Spaniards  in  the  island,  the  father 
would  modify  his  accusations  in  the  next  sermon. 
When  the  day  arrived  the  church  was  crowded,  but 
instead  of  recantation,  the  intrepid  monk  launched 
out  upon  fresh  animadversion,  and  ended  by  saying 
that  he  did  so  in  the  service  not  of  God  only,  but  of 
the  king. 

The  officials  were  furious.  Pasamonte,  the  treas- 
urer, the  most  heartless  destroyer  of  natives  among 
all  the  king’s  officers,  wrote,  denouncing  the  Domini- 
cans as  rebels,  and  sent  a Franciscan  friar  to  Spain 
to  support  his  accusation.  The  king  was  much  of- 
fended, and  when  Montesinos  and  the  prior  of  his 
convent  arrived  in  Madrid  to  contradict  Pasamonte’s 
statements,  they  found  the  doors  of  the  palace  closed 
against  them.  Clothing  daunted  and  imbued  with 
the  true  apostolic  spirit,  they  made  their  way,  with- 
out asking  permission,  to  the  royal  presence,  and 
there  advocated  the  cause  of  the  Indians  so  eloquently 

54 


I 


Laws  and  Ordinances 


that  Ferdinand  promised  to  have  the  matter  investi- 
gated immediately. 

A council  of  theologians  and  jurists  was  ap- 
pointed to  study  the  matter  and  hear  the  eAudence  on 
both  sides;  but  they  were  so  long  in  coming  to  a 
decision  that  Montesinos  and  his  prior  lost  patience 
and  insisted  on  a resolution,  whereupon  they  decided 
that  the  distributions  were  legal  in  virtue  of  the 
powers  granted  by  the  Holy  See  to  the  kings  of  Cas- 
tilla, and  that,  if  it  was  a matter  of  conscience  at  all, 
it  was  one  for  the  king  and  his  councilors,  and  not  for 
the  officials,  who  simply  obeyed  orders.  The  two 
Dominicans  were  ordered  to  return  to  la  Espanola 
and  by  the  example  of  their  virtues  and  mansuetude 
stimulate  those  avIio  might  be  inclined  to  act  wickedly. 

The  royal  conscience  was  not  satisfied,  hoAvever, 
with  the  sophistry  of  his  councilors,  and  as  a quietus 
to  it,  the  well-meaning  ordinances  just  cited  were  en- 
acted. They,  too,  remained  a dead  letter,  and  not 
even  the  scathing  and  persevering  denunciations  of 
Las  Casas,  who  continued  the  good  work  begun  by 
Montesinos,  could  obtain  any  practical  improvement 
in  the  lot  of  the  Indians  until  it  was  too  late,  and 
thousands  of  them  had  been  crushed  under  the  heel  of 
the  conqueror. 

King  Ferdinand’s  cflForts  to  make  Puerto  Rico  a 
prosperous  colony  wore  rendered  futile  by  the  dissen- 
sions betAveen  the  Admiral’s  and  his  OAV'n  partizans 
and  the  passions  aAvakened  by  the  faA’oritism  dis- 
played in  the  distribution  of  Indians.  That  the  king 
took  a great  interest  in  the  colonization  of  the  island 

55 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

is  shown  by  the  many  ordinances  and  decrees  issued, 
all  tending  to  that  end.  He  gave  special  licenses  to 
people  in  Spain  and  in  Santo  Domingo  to  establish 
^ themselves  in  Puerto  Rico.^  In  his  minute  instruc- 
tions to  Ponce  and  his  successors  he  regulated  every 
branch  of  the  administration,  and  wrote  to  Ceron 
and  Diaz:  “ 1 wish  this  island  well  governed 

and  peopled  as  a special  affair  of  mine.”  On  a single 
day  (February  26,  1511)  he  made,  among  others  of  a 
purely  private  character,  the  following  public  dispo- 
sitions: “ That  the  tithes  and  ‘ primicias  ’ ” ^ should 
be  paid  in  kind  only ; that  the  fifth  part  of  the  output 
of  the  mines  should  be  paid  only  during  the  first  ten 
years;  that  he  ceded  to  the  colony  for  the  term  of 
four  years  all  fines  imposed  by  the  courts,  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  of  roads  and  bridges;  that 
the  traffic  between  San  Juan  and  la  Espanola  should 
be  free,  and  that  this  island  should  enjoy  the  same 
rights  and  j^rivileges  as  the  other;  that  no  children 
or  grandchildren  of  people  executed  or  burned  for 
crimes  or  heresy  should  be  admitted  into  the  colony, 
and  that  an  exact  account  should  be  sent  to  him  of 
all  the  colonists,  caciques,  and  Indians  and  their  dis- 
tribution. 

lie  occupied  himself  with  the  island’s  affairs  with 
equal  interest  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  in  1516. 
He  made  it  a bishopric  in  1512.  In  1513  he  disposed 
that  the  colonists  were  to  build  houses  of  adobe,  that 
is,  of  sun-dried  bricks;  that  all  married  men  should 
send  for  their  wives,  and  that  useful  trees  should  be 


^ Cedulas  de  vecindad. 


56 


2 First-fruits. 


Laws  and  Ordinances 


planted.  In  1514  he  prohibited  labor  contracts,  or 
the  purchase  or  transfer  of  slaves  or  Indians  “ enco- 
mendados  ” (distributed).  Finally,  in  1515,  he  pro- 
vided for  the  defense  of  the  island  against  the  incur- 
sions of  the  Caribs. 

If  these  measures  did  not  produce  the  desired 
result,  it  was  due  to  the  discord  among  the  colonists, 
created  by  the  system  of  “ repartimientos  ” intro- 
duced in  an  evil  hour  by  Columbus,  a system  which 
was  the  poisoned  source  of  most  of  the  evils  that 
have  afflicted  the  Antilles. 


57 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  RETURN  OF  CERON  AND  DIAZ PONCe’s  FIRST 

EXPEDITION  TO  FLORIDA 
1511-1515 

Ceron  and  Diaz  returned  to  San  Juan  in  Novem- 
ber, 1511. 

Before  their  departure  from  Seville  they  received 
sundry  marks  of  royal  favor.  Among  these  was  per- 
mission to  Diaz  and  his  wife  to  wear  silken  garments, 
and  to  transfer  to  San  Juan  the  40  Indians  they 
possessed  in  la  Espanola. 

We  have  seen  that  the  first  article  of  the  king’s 
instructions  to  them  enjoins  the  maintenance  of 
friendly  relations  with  Ponce,  and  in  the  distribution 
of  Indians  to  favor  those  who  had  distinguished  them- 
seh'^es  in  the  suppression  of  the  revolt. 

They  did  nothing  of  the  kind. 

Their  first  proceeding  was  to  show  their  resent- 
ment at  the  summary  treatment  they  had  received 
at  the  captain’s  hands  by  depriving  him  of  the  admin- 
istration of  the  royal  granges,  the  profits  of  which 
he  shared  with  King  Ferdinand,  because,  as  his  High- 
ness explained  to  Pasamonte  in  June,  1511,  “ Ponce 
received  no  salarj'^  as  captain  of  the  island.” 

They  next  sent  a lengthy  exposition  to  Madrid, 
58 


Ponce’s  First  Expedition 

accusing  the  captain  of  maladministration  of  the 
royal  domain,  and,  to  judge  by  the  tenor  of  the  king’s 
letter  to  Ponce,  dated  in  Burgos  on  the  23d  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1512,  they  succeeded  in  influencing  him  to 
some  extent  against  his  favorite,  though  not  enough 
to  deprive  him  of  the  royal  patronage.  “ I am  sur- 
prised,” wrote  the  king,  “ at  the  small  number  of  In- 
dians and  the  small  quantity  of  gold  from  our  mines. 
The  fiscal  will  audit  your  accounts,  that  you  may 
be  at  liberty  for  the  expedition  to  Bernini,  which  some 
one  else  has  already  proposed  to  me;  but  I prefer  you, 
as  I wish  to  recompense  your  services  and  because  I 
believe  that  you  will  serve  us  better  there  than  in 
our  grange  in  San  Juan,  in  which  you  have  proceeded 
with  some  negligence.” 

In  the  redistribution  of  Indians  which  followed, 
Ceron  and  Diaz  ignored  the  orders  of  the  sovereign 
and  openly  favored  their  own  followers  to  the  neg- 
lect of  the  conqiierors’,  whose  claims  were  prior,  and 
whose  w’ounds  and  scars  certainly  entitled  them  to 
consideration.  This  caused  such  a storm  of  protest 
and  complaint  against  the  doings  of  his  proteges 
that  Diego  Columbus  was  forced  to  suspend  them  and 
appoint  Commander  Moscoso  in  their  place. 

This  personage  only  made  matters  worse.  The 
first  thing  he  did  was  to  practise  another  redistribu- 
tion of  Indians.  This  exasperated  everybody  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  Admiral  found  it  necessary  to  come 
to  San  Juan  himself.  He  came,  accompanied  by  a 
numerous  suite  of  aspirants  to  different  positions, 
among  them  Christopher  Mendoza,  the  successor  of 
^foscoso  (1514). 


59 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

After  the  restoration  of  Ceron  and  Diaz  in  their 
offices,  Ponce  quietly  retired  to  his  residence  in  Ca- 
parra.  He  was  wealthy  and  could  afford  to  bide  his 
time,  but  the  spirit  of  unrest  in  him  chafed  under 
this  forced  inaction.  The  idea  of  discovering  the 
island,  said  to  exist  somewhere  in  the  northwestern 
part  of  these  Indies,  where  wonderful  waters  flowed 
that  restored  old  age  to  youth  and  kept  youth  al- 
ways young,  occupied  his  mind  more  and  more  per- 
sistently, until,  having  obtained  the  king’s  sanction, 
he  fitted  out  an  expedition  of  three  ships  and  sailed 
from  the  port  of  Aguada  March  3,  1512. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  that  men  like  Ponce, 
Zuniga,  and  the  other  leading  expeditionists  should 
be  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  risk  their  lives  and  for- 
tunes in  the  pursuit  of  a chimera,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  island  of  Bernini  itself  was  not  a chi- 
mera. 

The  followers  of  Columbus,  the  majority  of  them 
ignorant  and  credulous,  had  seen  a mysterious  new 
world  rise,  as  it  were,  from  the  depths  of  the  ocean. 
As  the  islands,  one  after  the  other,  appeared  before 
their  astonished  eyes,  they  discovered  real  marvels 
each  day.  The  air,  the  land,  the  sea,  were  full  of 
them.  The  natives  pointed  in  different  directions 
and  spoke  of  other  islands,  and  the  adventurers’  im- 
aginations peopled  them  with  fancied  wonders. 
There  was,  according  to  an  old  legend,  a fountain  of 
perennial  youth  somewhere  in  the  world,  and  where 
was  it  more  likely  to  be  found  than  in  this  hitherto 
unknown  part  of  it? 

Ponce  and  his  companions  believed  in  its  existence 
60 


Ponce’s  First  Expedition 

as  firmly  as,  some  years  later,  Ferdinand  Pizarro  be- 
lieved in  the  existence  of  El  Dorado  and  the  golden 
lake  of  Parime. 

The  expedition  touched  at  Guanakani  on  the  14th 
of  March,  and  on  the  27th  discovered  what  Ponce  be- 
lieved to  be  the  island  of  which  he  was  in  search.  On 
April  2d  Ponce  landed  and  took  possession  in  the 
king’s  name.  The  native  name  of  the  island  was 
Cansio  or  Cautix,  but  the  captain  named  it  “ la 
Florida,”  some  say  because  he  found  it  covered  with 
the  flowers  of  spring;  others,  because  he  had  discov- 
ered it  on  Resurrection  day,  called  “ Pascua  Florida  ” 
by  the  Spanish  Catholics. 

The  land  was  inhabited  by  a branch  of  the  warlike 
Seminole  Indians,  who  disputed  the  Spaniards’  ad- 
vance into  the  interior.  Xo  traces  of  gold  were 
found,  nor  did  the  invaders  feel  themselves  rejiive- 
nated,  when,  after  a wearisome  march  or  fierce  fight 
with  the  natives,  they  bathed  in,  or  drank  of,  the  wa- 
ters of  some  stream  or  spring.  They  had  come  to  a 
decidedly  inhospitable  shore,  and  Ponce,  after  ex- 
ploring the  eastern  and  southern  littoral,  and  discov- 
ering the  Cayos  group  of  small  islands,  turned  back 
to  San  Juan,  where  he  arrived  in  the  beginning  of  Oc- 
tober, “ looking  much  older,”  says  the  chronicler, 
“ than  when  he  went  in  search  of  rejuvenation.” 

Two  years  later  he  sailed  for  the  Peninsula  and 
anchored  in  Rayona  in  April,  1514.  King  Ferdinand 
received  him  graciously  and  conferred  on  him  the 
titles  of  Adelantado  of  Bernini  and  la  Florida,  with 
civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  on  land  and  sea. 
He  also  made  him  commander  of  the  fleet  for  the 

61 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

destruction  of  the  Caribs,  and  perpetual  “ regidor  ” 
(prefect)  of  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Puerto  Rico.  This 
last  surname  for  the  island  began  to  he  used  in  official 
documents  about  this  time  (October,  1514). 

The  fleet  for  the  destruction  of  the  Caribs  con- 
sisted of  three  caravels.  With  these,  Ponce  sailed 
from  Betis  on  May  14,  1515,^  and  reached  the  Lee- 
ward Islands  in  due  course.  In  Guadeloupe,  one 
of  the  Carih  strongholds,  he  landed  a number  of 
men  without  due  precaution.  They  were  attacked  by 
the  natives.  Fifteen  of  them  were  wounded,  four  of 
whom  died.  Some  women  who  had  been  sent  ashore 
to  wash  the  soiled  linen  were  carried  off.  Ponce’s 
report  of  the  event  was  laconic:  “ I wrote  from 
San  Lucas  and  from  la  Palma,”  he  writes  to  the  king 
(August  7th  to  8th).  “ In  Guadeloupe,  while  taking 
in  water  the  Indians  wounded  some  of  my  men.  They 
shall  he  chastised.”  Haro,  one  of  the  crown  officers 
in  San  Juan,  informed  the  king  afterward  of  all  the 
circumstances  of  the  affair,  and  added : “ He  (Ponce) 
left  the  (wounded)  men  in  a deserted  island  on  this 
side,  which  is  Santa  Cruz,  and  now  he  sends  a captain, 
instead  of  going  himself  . . .” 

Ponce’s  third  landing  occurred  June  15,  1515. 
He  found  the  island  in  a deplorable  condition.  Dis- 
content and  disorder  were  rampant.  The  king  had 
deprived  Diego  Columbus  of  the  right  to  distribute 
Indians  (January  23,  1513),  and  had  commissioned 
Pasamonte  to  make  a new  distribution  in  San  Juan. 
The  treasurer  had  delegated  the  task  to  licentiate 


Washington  Irving  says  January. 
62 


Ponce’s  First  Expedition 

Sancho  Velasquez,  who  received  at  the  same  time 
power  to  audit  the  accounts  of  all  the  crown  officers. 

The  redistribution  was  practised  in  September, 
1514,  with  no  better  result  than  the  former  ones.  It 
was  impossible  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  all.  The  dis- 
contented were  mostly  Ponce’s  old  companions,  who 
overwhelmed  the  king  with  protests,  while  Velasquez 
defended  himself,  accusing  Ponce  and  his  friends  of 
turbulence  and  exaggerated  ambition. 

As  a consequence  of  all  this  strife  and  discord,  the 
Indians  were  turned  over  from  one  master  to  another, 
distributed  like  cattle  over  different  parts  of  the  is- 
lands, and  at  each  change  their  lot  became  worse. 

Still,  there  were  large  numbers  of  them  that  had 
never  yet  been  subjugated.  Some,  like  the  caciques  of 
Humacao  and  Daguao,  who  occupied  the  eastern  and 
southeastern  parts  of  the  island,  had  agreed  to  live 
on  a peace  footing  with  the  Spaniards,  but  Ponce’s 
impolitic  proceeding  in  taking  by  force  ten  men  from 
the  village  of  the  first-named  chief  caused  him  and  his 
neighbor  of  Daguao  to  burn  their  villages  and  take 
to  the  mountains  in  revolt.  Many  other  natives  had 
found  a comparatively  safe  refuge  in  the  islands  along 
the  coast,  and  added  largely  to  the  precarious  situa- 
tion by  pouncing  on  the  Spanish  settlements  along 
the  coast  when  least  expected.  Governor  Mendoza 
undertook  a punitive  expedition  to  Vieques,  in  which 
the  cacique  Yaureibo  was  killed;  but  the  Indians  had 
lost  that  superstitious  dread  of  the  Spaniards  and  of 
their  weapons  that  had  made  them  submit  at  first, 
and  they  continued  their  incursions,  imj)eding  the 
island’s  progress  for  more  than  a century, 
o 63 


CHAPTER  X 


DISSENSIONS TRANSFER  OF  THE  CAPITAL 

1515-1520 

The  total  mimber  of  Spaniards  in  the  island  at  the 
time  of  the  rebellion  did  not  exceed  200.  Of  these, 
between  80  and  100  were  killed  by  the  Indians.  The 
survivors  were  reenforced,  first  by  the  followers  of 
Ceron  and  Diaz,  then  by  some  stray  adventurers 
who  accompanied  Diego  Columbus  on  his  visit  to 
the  island.  We  may  assume,  therefore,  with  Mr. 
Acosta,^  that  at  the  time  of  which  we  write  the 
Spanish  population  numbered  about  400,  who  Aran- 
go, in  a memorial  addressed  to  the  Cardinal  Regent, 
classifies  as  Government  officials,  old  conquerors,  new 
hirelings,  and  “ marranos  hijos  de  reconciliados,” 
which,  translated,  means,  ‘‘  vile  brood  of  pardoned 
criminals,”  the  latter  being,  in  all  probability,  the 
immigrants  into  whose  antecedents  the  king  had  rec- 
ommended his  officers  in  Seville  not  to  inquire. 

This  population  was  divided  into  different  hostile 
parties.  Tlie  most  powerful  at  the  time  was  Ponce’s 
party,  led  by  Sedeno,  the  auditor,  and  Villafranca, 
the  treasurer;  opposed  to  whom  were  the  partizans  of 


* Annotations,  p.  96. 
64 


Dissensions 


Ceron  and  Diaz,  the  prot^es  of  the  Admiral,  and 
those  who  had  found  favor  with  Velasquez,  all  of 
them  deadly  enemies  because  of  the  unequal  division 
among  them  of  the  unhappy  Indians. 

The  expedition  to  Florida  and  the  honors  con- 
ferred upon  him  by  the  king  naturally  enhanced 
Ponce’s  prestige  among  his  old  companions.  Diego 
Columbus  himself  was  fain  to  recognize  the  superior 
claim  of  him  who  now  presented  himself  with  the  title 
Adelantado  of  Bernini  and  Florida,  so  that  the  cap- 
tain’s return  to  office  was  effected  without  opposition. 

With  his  appointment  as  perpetual  prefect,  Ponce 
assumed  the  right  to  make  a redistribution  of  In- 
dians, but  could  not  exercise  it,  because  Sancho  Velas- 
quez had  made  one,  as  delegate  of  Pasamonte,  only 
the  year  before  (September,  1515). 

In  virtue  of  his  special  appointment  as  judge 
auditor  of  the  accounts  of  all  the  crown  officers,  he 
had  condemned  Ponce  during  his  absence  to  pay 
1,352  gold  pesos  for  shortcomings  in  his  administra- 
tion of  the  royal  estates.^ 

The  licentiate’s  report  to  the  king,  dated  April  27, 
1515,  gives  an  idea  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  San 
Juan  at  the  time.  “ . . . I found  the  island  under 
tyranny,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  documents  I enclose. 
Juan  Ceron  and  Miguel  Diaz  are  responsible  for  100,- 
000  Castellanos  ^ for  Indians  taken  from  persons  who 
held  them  by  schedule  from  your  Highness.” 

* Ponce  protested  and  appealed  to  the  Audiencia,  but  did  not 
obtain  restitution  till  1520. 

* A Castellano  was  the  part  of  a mark  of  gold.  The  mark 
had  8 ounces. 


65 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

“ It  would  be  well  to  send  some  bad  characters 
away  from  here  and  some  of  the  Admiral’s  creatures, 
' on  whom  the  rest  count  for  protection.” 

“ The  treasurer  (Haro)  and  the  auditor  are  hon- 
est men.  The  accountant  (Sedeho)  is  not  a man  to 
look  after  your  Highness’s  interests.  The  place  of 
factor  is  vacant.” 

“ To  your  Highness  200  Indians  have  been 
assigned  in  Puerto  Rico  and  300  in  San  German.” 

A few  days  later  (May  1,  1515)  Velasquez  him- 
self was  accused  of  gross  abuse  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  by  Inigo  de  Zuniga,  who  wrote  to  the  king; 
“ . . . This  licentiate  has  committed  many  injus- 
tices and  offenses,  as  the  attorney  can  testify.  He 
gave  Indians  to  many  officers  and  merchants,  depriv- 
ing conquerors  and  settlers  of  them.  He  gambled 
much  and  always  won,  because  they  let  him  win  in 
order  to  have  him  in  good  humor  at  the  time  of  dis- 
tribution of  Indians.  He  carried  away  luuch  money, 
especially  from  the  ‘ Xaborias.’  ” ^ 

“ He  took  the  principal  cacique,  who  lived  nearest 
to  the  mines,  for  himself,  and  rented  him  out  on  con- 
dition that  he  keep  sixteen  men  continually  at  work 
in  the  mines,  and  if  any  failed  he  was  to  receive  half 
a ducat  per  head  a day.” 

“ He  has  taken  Indians  from  other  settlers  and 
made  them  wash  gold  for  himself,  etc.” 

Before  Ponce’s  departure  for  Spain  the  island  had 
been  divided  into  two  departments  or  jurisdictions,  the 
northern,  with  Caparra  as  its  capital,  under  the  direct 


‘ Indians  distributed  to  be  employed  as  domestic  servants. 
66 


Dissensions 


authority  of  the  governor,  the  southern  division, 
with  San  German  as  the  capital,  under  a lieutenant- 
governor,  the  chain  of  mountains  in  the  interior 
being  the  mutual  boundary.  This  division  was  main- 
tained till  1782. 

Caparra,  or  Puerto  Kico,  as  it  was  now  called, 
and  San  German  were  the  only  settlements  when 
Ponce  returned.  The  year  before  (1514)  another 
settlement  had  been  made  in  Daguao,  but  it  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  Caribs,  and  this  ever-present  danger 
kept  all  immigration  away. 

The  king  recognized  the  fact,  and  to  obviate  this 
serious  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  island’s  settlement, 
he  wrote  to  his  officers  in  Seville; 

“ . . . Spread  reports  about  the  great  quantities 
of  gold  to  be  found  in  Puerto  Rico,  and  do  not 
trouble  about  the  antecedents  of  those  who  wish  to 
go,  for  if  not  useful  as  laborers  they  Avill  do  to  fight.” 

That  Ferdinand  was  well  aware  of  the  insecurity 
of  his  hold  on  the  island  is  shown  by  his  subsequent 
dispositions.  To  the  royal  contractors  or  commis- 
saries he  wrote  in  1514:  “ While  two  forts  are  being 
constructed,  one  in  Puerto  Rico  and  the  other  in  San 
German,  where,  in  case  of  rebellion,  our  treasure 
will  be  secure,  you  will  give  arms  and  ammunition  to 
Ponce  de  Leon  for  our  account,  with  an  artillery- 
man, that  he  may  have  them  in  his  house,  which  is  to 
do  duty  as  a fortress.”  And  on  May  14,  1515,  he 
wrote  from  IMedina  del  Campo : “ . . . Deliver  to 
Ponce  six  ‘ espingardas.’  ” ^ 


* Small  pieces  of  ordnance. 

67 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

During  this  same  period  the  island  was  consti- 
- tuted  a bishopric,  with  Alonzo  Manso,  ex-sacristan  of 
Prince  John  and  canon  of  Salamanca,  as  prelate.  He 
came  in  the  heginuing  of  1513,  when  the  intestine 
troubles  were  at  their  worst,  bringing  instructions  to 
demand  payment  of  tithes  in  specie  and  a royal 
grant  of  150  Indians  to  himself,  which,  added  to  the 
fact  that  his  presence  would  be  a check  upon  the  prev- 
alent immorality,  raised  such  a storm  of  opposition 
and  intrigue  against  him  that  he  could  not  exercise 
his  functions.  There  was  no  church  fit  for  services. 
This  furnished  him  with  a pretext  to  return  to  the 
Peninsula.  When  Ponce  arrived  the  bishop  was  on 
the  point  of  departure.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
King  Ferdinand,  in  reappointing  Ponce  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  island,  trusted  to  the  captain’s  mili- 
tary qualities  for  the  reestablishment  of  order  and 
the  suppression  of  the  attacks  of  the  Caribs,  but  the 
result  did  not  correspond  to  his  Majesty’s  expecta- 
tions. 

Haro,  the  treasurer,  reported  to  the  king  on 
October  6,  1515:  “.  . . From  the  moment  of  his 
arrival  Ponce  has  fomented  discord.  In  order  to 
remain  here  himself,  he  sent  Zuniga,  his  lieutenant, 
Avith  the  fleet.  He  caused  the  caciques  Humacao 
and  Daguao,  who  had  but  just  submitted,  to  revolt 
again  by  forcibly  taking  ten  men  for  the  fleet.” 

The  crovm  officers  confirmed  this  statement  in  a 
separate  report. 

These  accusations  continued  to  the  time  of  Fer- 
dinand’s death  (February  23,  1516),  when  Cardinal 
Jimenez  de  Cisneros  became  Regent  of  Spain.  This 

68 


Dissensions 


renowned  prelate,  whom  Prince  Charles,  afterward 
Emperor  Charles  V,  when  confirming  him  in  the  re- 
gency, addressed  as  “ the  V ery  Reverend  F ather  in 
Christ,  Cardinal  of  Spain,  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 
Primate  of  all  the  Spanish  Territories,  Chief  Chan- 
cellor of  Castilla,  our  very  dear  and  much  beloved 
friend  and  master,”  was  also  Grand  Inquisitor,  and 
was  armed  with  the  tremendous  power  of  the  terrible 
Holy  Office. 

It  was  dangerous  for  the  accusers  and  the  accused 
alike  to  annoy  such  a personage  with  tales  inspired  by 
petty  rivalries  from  an  insignificant  island  in  the 
West  Indies.  Nevertheless,  one  of  the  first  com- 
munications from  Puerto  Rico  that  was  laid  before 
him  was  a memorial  written  by  one  Arango,  accusing 
Velasquez,  among  other  things,  of  having  given  In- 
dians to  soldiers  and  to  common  people,  instead  of 
to  conquerors  and  married  men.  “ In  Lent,”  says  the 
accuser,  “ he  goes  to  a grange,  where  he  remains  with- 
out hearing  mass  on  Sundays,  eating  meat,  and  saying 
things  against  the  faith  . . .” 

The  immediate  effect  of  these  complaints  and  mu- 
tual accusations  was  the  suspension  in  his  functions 
of  Diego  Columbus  and  the  appointment  of  a tri- 
umvirate of  Jerome  friars  to  govern  these  islands. 
This  was  followed  two  years  later  by  the  return  of 
Bishop  Manso  to  San  Juan,  armed  with  the  dreadful 
powers  of  General  Inquisitor  of  the  Indies  and  by 
the  nomination  of  licentiate  Antonio  de  la  Gama  as 
judge  auditor  of  the  accounts  of  Sancho  Velasquez. 
The  judge  found  him  guilty  of  partiality  and  other 
offenses,  and  on  June  12,  1520,  wrote  to  the  regent: 

69 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

*‘l  have  not  sent  the  accounts  of  Sancho  Velasquez, 
because  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  go  with  them, 
but  the  bishop  of  this  island  has  taken  him  for  the 
Holy  Inquisition  and  he  has  died  in  prison.’* 

The  Jerome  fathers  on  their  way  to  la  Espanola, 
in  1516,  touched  at  what  they  describe  as  ‘‘  the  port 
of  Puerto  Kico,  which  is  in  the  island  of  San  Juan  de 
Boriquen,”  and  the  treasurer,  Haro,  wrote  of  them 
on  January  21,  1518:  . . They  have  done  noth- 

ing during  the  year,  and  the  inhabitants  are  uncertain 
and  fear  changes.  This  is  the  principal  cause  of  harm 
to  the  Indians.  It  is  necessary  to  dispose  what  is  to 
be  done.  . . . Although  great  care  is  now  exer- 
cised in  the  treatment  of  the  Indians  their  numbers 
grow  less  for  all  that,  because  just  as  they  are  igno- 
rant of  things  concerning  the  faith,  so  do  they  ignore 
things  concerning  their  health,  and  they  are  of  very 
weak  constitution.” 

The  frequent  changes  in  the  government  that 
had  been  made  by  Diego  Columbus,  the  arrest  of  Ve- 
lasquez and  his  death  in  the  gloomy  dungeons  of  the 
Inquisition,  the  arrival  of  de  la  Gama  as  judge  audi- 
tor and  governor  ad  interim,  and  his  subsequent 
marriage  with  Ponce’s  daughter  Isabel,  all  these 
events  but  served  to  embitter  the  strife  of  parties. 
‘‘  The  spirit  of  vengeance,  ambition,  and  other  pas- 
sions had  become  so  ^dolent  and  deep-rooted  among 
the  Spaniards,”  says  Abbad,^  “ that  God  ordained 
their  chastisement  in  various  ways.” 

The  removal  of  the  capital  from  its  swampy  lo- 


• Chapter  XII,  p.  89. 
70 


Dissensions 


cation  to  the  islet  which  it  now  occupies  was  another 
source  of  dissension.  It  appears  that  the  plan  was 
started  immediately  after  Ceron’s  accession,  for  the 
king  wrote  to  him  November  9,  1511:  “Juan  Ponce 
says  that  he  located  the  town  in  the  best  part  of  the 
island.  We  fear  that  you  want  to  change  it.  You 
shall  not  do  so  without  our  special  order.  If  there  is 
just  reason  for  change  you  must  inform  us  first.” 

Velasquez,  in  his  report  of  April,  1515,  mentions 
that  he  accompanied  the  Town  Council  of  Caparra  to 
see  the  site  for  the  new  capital,  and  that  to  him  it 
seemed  convenient. 

In  1519  licentiate  Podrigo  de  Figueroa  sent  a 
lengthy  exposition  accompanied  by  the  certified 
declarations  of  the  leading  inhabitants  regarding  the 
salubrity  of  the  islet  and  the  insalubrity  of  Caparra, 
with  a copy  of  the  disposition  of  the  Jerome  fathers 
authorizing  the  transfer,  and  leaving  Ponce,  who 
strenuously  opposed  it,  at  liberty  to  live  in  his  forti- 
fied house  in  Caparra  as  long  as  he  liked. 

On  November  16,  1520,  Baltazar  Castro,  in  the 
name  of  the  crown  officers  of  San  Juan,  reported  to 
the  emperor:  “The  City  of  Puerto  Rico  has  been 
transferred  to  an  islet  which  is  in  the  port  where  the 
ships  anchor,  a very  good  and  healthy  location.” 


Y1 


CHAPTER  XI 


CALAMITIES PONCe’s  SECOND  EXPEDITION  TO  FLORIDA 

AND  DEATH 
1520-1537 

Among  the  calamities  referred  to  by  Friar  Abbad 
as  visitations  of  Providence  was  one  which  the  Span- 
iards had  brought  upon  themselves.  Another  epi- 
demic raged  principally  among  the  Indians.  In  Janu- 
ary, 1519,  the  Jerome  friars  wrote  to  the  Government 
from  la  Espahola:  “ ...  It  has  pleased  our  Lord  to 
send  a pestilence  of  smallpox  among  the  Indians 
here,  and  nearly  one-third  of  them  have  died.  We 
are  told  that  in  the  island  of  San  Juan  the  Indians 
have  begun  to  die  of  the  same  disease.” 

Another  scourge  came  in  the  form  of  ants. 
“ These  insects,”  says  Abbad,  quoting  from  Herrera, 
‘‘  destroyed  the  yucca  or  casabe,  of  which  the  natives 
made  their  bread,  and  killed  the  most  robust  trees  by 
eating  into  their  roots,  so  that  they  turned  black,  and 
became  so  infected  that  the  birds  would  not  alight 
on  them.  The  fields  were  left  barren  and  waste  as  if 
fire  from  heaven  had  descended  on  them.  These  in- 
sects invaded  the  houses  and  tormented  the  inmates 
night  and  day.  Their  bite  caused  acute  pains  to 
adults  and  endangered  the  lives  of  children.  The 

72 


Ponce’s  Second  Expedition 

affliction  was  general,”  says  Abbad,  “ but  God  heard 
the  people’s  vows  and  the  pests  disappeared.” 

The  means  by  which  this  happy  result  was  ob- 
tained are  described  by  Father  Torres  Vargas:  “ Lots 
were  drawn  to  see  what  saint  should  be  chosen  as  the 
people’s  advocate  before  God.  Saint  Saturnine  was 
returned,  and  the  plague  ceased  at  once.” 

‘‘  Some  time  after  there  appeared  a worm  which 
also  destroyed  the  yucca.  Lots  were  again  drawn, 
and  this  time  Saint  Patrick  came  out;  but  the  bishop 
and  the  ecclesiastical  chapter  were  of  opinion  that 
this  saint,  being  little  venerated,  had  no  great  influ- 
ence in  heaven.  Therefore,  lots  were  drawn  again 
and  again,  three  times,  and  each  time  the  rejected 
saint’s  name  came  out.  This  was  clearly  a miracle, 
and  Saint  Patrick  was  chosen  as  advocate.  To  atone 
for  their  unwillingness  to  accept  him,  the  chapter 
voted  the  saint  an  annual  mass,  sermon,  and  proces- 
sion, which  was  kept  up  for  many  years  without  ever 
anything  happening  again  to  the  casabe  . . 

To  the  above-described  visitations,  nature  added 
others  and  more  cruel  ones.  These  were  the  destruc- 
tive tempests,  called  by  the  Indians  Ouracan. 

The  first  hurricane  since  the  discovery  of  the  is- 
land by  Columbus  of  which  there  is  any  record  hap- 
pened in  July,  1515,  when  the  crown  officers  re- 
ported to  the  king  that  a great  storm  had  caused  the 
death  of  many  Indians  by  sickness  and  starvation. 
On  October  4,  1520,  there  was  another,  which  Juan 
de  Yadillo  described  thus:  “ . . . There  was  a great 
storm  of  wind  and  rain  which  lasted  twenty-four 
hours  and  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  town, 

73 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

with  the  church.  The  damage  caused  by  the  flooding 
of  the  plantations  is  greater  than  any  one  can  esti- 
mate. Many  rich  men  have  grown  poor,  among  them 
Pedro  Moreno,  the  lieutenant-governor.” 

In  July  and  August,  1530,  the  scourge  was  re- 
peated three  times  in  six  weeks,  and  Governor  Lando 
wrote  to  Luis  Columbus,  then  Governor  of  la  Es- 
panola : “ . . . The  storms  have  destroyed  all  the 
plantations,  drowned  many  cattle,  and  caused  a great 
dearth  of  food.  Half  of  the  houses  in  this  city  have 
been  blown  down;  of  the  other  half  those  that  are 
least  damaged  are  Avithout  roofs.  In  the  country  and 
at  the  mines  not  a house  is  left  standing.  Every- 
body has  been  impoverished  and  thinking  of  going 
away.  There  are  no  more  Indians  and  the  land  must 
be  cultivated  with  negroes,  who  are  a monopoly, 
and  can  not  be  brought  here  for  less  than  60  or 
70  ‘ Castellanos  ’ apiece.  The  city  prays  that  the 
payment  of  all  debts  may  be  postponed  for  three 
years.” 

Seven  years  later  (1537),  three  hurricanes  in 
two  months  again  completely  devastated  the  island. 
“ . . . They  are  the  greatest  that  have  been  experi- 
enced here,”  wrote  the  city  officers.  “ . . . The  floods 
have  carried  away  all  the  plantations  along  the  bor- 
ders of  the  rivers,  many  slaves  and  cattle  have  been 
drowned,  want  and  poverty  are  universal.  Those 
who  wanted  to  leave  the  island  before  are  now  more 
than  ever  anxious  to  do  so.” 

The  incursions  of  Caribs  from  the  neighboring 
islands  made  the  existence  of  the  colony  still  more 
precarious.  Wherever  a new  settlement  was  made, 

74 


Statue  of  Ponce  do  Leon,  San  Juan. 


Ponce’s  Second  Expedition 


they  descended,  killing  the  Spaniards,  destroying  the 
plantations,  and  carrying  off  the  natives. 

The  first  news  of  the  wonderful  achievements  of 
Cortez  in  Mexico  reached  San  Juan  in  1520,  and 
stirred  the  old  adventurer  Ponce  to  renewed  action. 
On  February  10,  1521,  he  wrote  to  the  emperor:  “ I 
discovered  Florida  and  some  other  small  islands  at 
my  own  expense,  and  now  I am  going  to  settle  them 
with  plenty  of  men  and  two  ships,  and  I am  going  to 
explore  the  coast,  to  see  if  it  compares  with  the  lands 
(Cuba)  discovered  by  Velasquez.  I will  leave  here  in 
four  or  five  days,  and  beg  your  Majesty  to  favor  me, 
‘’o  that  I may  be  enabled  to  carry  out  this  great  enter- 
prise.” 

Accordingly,  he  left  the  port  of  Aguada  on  the 
26th  of  the  same  month  with  two  ships,  well  provided 
with  all  that  was  necessary  for  conquest. 

But  the  captain’s  star  of  fortune  was  waning. 
He  had  a stormy  passage,  and  when  he  and  his  men 
landed  they  met  with  such  fierce  resistance  from  the 
natives  that  after  several  encounters  and  the  loss  of 
many  men,  Ponce  himself  being  seriously  woimded, 
they  were  forced  to  reembark.  Feeling  that  his  end 
was  approaching,  the  captain  did  not  return  to  San 
Juan,  but  sought  a refuge  in  Puerto  Principe,  where 
he  died. 

One  of  his  ships  found  its  way  to  Vera  Cruz, 
where  its  stores  of  arms  and  ammunition  came  as  a 
welcome  accession  to  those  of  Cortez. 

The  emperor  bestowed  the  father’s  title  of  Ade- 
lantado  of  Florida  and  Bernini  on  his  son,  and  the 

75 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

remains  of  the  intrepid  adventurer,  who  had  found 
death  where  he  had  hoped  to  find  perennial  youth, 
rested  in  Cuban  soil  till  his  grandchildren  had  them 
transferred  to  this  island  and  buried  in  the  Dominican 
convent. 

A statue  was  erected  to  his  memory  in  1882.  It 
stands  in  the  plaza  of  San  Jose  in  the  capital  and 
was  cast  from  the  brass  cannon  left  behind  by  the 
English  after  the  siege  of  1797. 


76 


CHAPTER  XII 


INCURSIONS  OF  FUGITIVE  BORIQUEN  INDIANS  AND  CARIBS 
1520-1582 

The  conquest  of  Boriquen  was  far  from  being 
completed  with  the  death  of  Guaybana. 

The  panic  which  the  fall  of  a chief  always  pro- 
duces among  savages  prevented,  for  the  moment,  all 
organized  resistance  on  the  part  of  Guaybana’s  fol- 
lowers, but  they  did  not  constitute  the  whole  popula- 
tion of  the  island.  Their  submission  gave  the  Span- 
iards the  dominion  over  that  part  of  it  watered  by  the 
Culebrinas  and  the  Anasco,  and  over  the  northeastern 
district  in  which  Ponce  had  laid  the  foundations  of 
his  first  settlement.  The  inhabitants  of  the  southern 
and  eastern  parts  of  the  island,  with  those  of  the  adja- 
cent smaller  islands,  were  still  unsubdued  and  re- 
mained so  for  years  to  come.  Their  caciques  were 
probably  as  well  informed  of  the  character  of  the  new- 
comers and  of  their  doings  in  la  Espanola  as  was  the 
first  Guaybana’s  mother,  and  they  wisely  kept  aloof 
so  long  as  their  territories  were  not  invaded. 

The  reduced  number  of  Spaniards  facilitated  the 
maintenance  of  a comparative  independence  by  these 
as  yet  unconquered  Indians,  at  the  same  time  that 
it  facilitated  the  flight  of  those  who,  having  bent 

77 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

their  necks  to  the  yoke,  found  it  unbearably  heavy. 

, According  to  “ Regidor  ” (Prefect)  Hernando  de  Mo- 
gollon’s  letter  to  the  Jerome  fathers,  fully  one-third 
of  the  “ pacified  ” Indians — that  is,  of  those  who  had 
submitted — had  disappeared  and  found  a refuge  with 
their  kinsmen  in  the  neighboring  islands. 

The  first  fugitives  from  Boriquen  naturally  did 
not  go  beyond  the  islands  in  the  immediate  vicinity. 
Vieques,  Culebras,  and  la  Mona  became  the  places  of 
rendezvous  whence  they  started  on  their  retaliatory 
expeditions,  while  their  spies  or  their  relatives  on  the 
main  island  kept  them  informed  of  what  was  passing. 
Hence,  so  sooner  was  a new  settlement  formed  on  the 
borders  or  in  the  neighborhood  of  some  river  than 
they  pounced  upon  it,  generally  at  night,  dealing 
death  and  destruction  wherever  they  went. 

In  vain  did  Juan  Gil,  with  Ponce’s  two  sons-in- 
law  and  a number  of  tried  men,  make  repeated  puni- 
tive expeditions  to  the  islands.  The  attacks  seemed  to 
grow  bolder,  and  not  till  Governor  Mendoza  him- 
self led  an  expedition  to  Vieques,  in  which  the  cacique 
Yaureibo  was  killed,  did  the  Indians  move  southeast- 
ward to  Santa  Cruz. 

That  the  Caribs  ^ inhabiting  the  islands  Guade- 

1 The  West  Indian  islands  were  inhabited  at  the  time  of  dis- 
covery by  at  least  three  races  of  different  origin.  One  of  these 
races  occupied  the  Bahamas.  Columbus  describes  them  as  sim- 
ple, peaceful  creatures,  whose  only  weapon  was  a pointed  stick 
or  cane.  They  were  of  a light  copper  color,  rather  good-looking, 
and  probably  had  formerly  occupied  the  whole  eastern  part  of 
the  archipelago,  whence  they  had  been  driven  or  exterminated 
by  the  Caribs,  Caribos,  or  Guaribos,  a savage,  warlike,  and  cruel 
race,  who  had  invaded  the  West  Indies  from  the  continent,  by 

78 


Boriquen  Indians  and  Caribs 

loupe  and  Dominica  made  common  cause  with  the 
fugitives  from  Boriquen  is  not  to  be  doubted.  The 
Spaniard  was  the  common  enemy  and  the  opportunity 
for  plunder  was  too  good  to  be  lost.  But  the  primary 
cause  of  all  the  so-called  Carib  invasions  of  Puerto 
Rica  was  the  thirst  for  revenge  for  the  wrongs  suf- 
fered, and  long  after  those  who  had  smarted  under 
them  or  who  had  but  witnessed  them  had  passed 
away,  the  tradition  of  them  was  kept  alive  by  the 
areytos  and  songs,  in  the  same  way  as  the  memory  of 
the  outrages  committed  by  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro  in 
Peru  are  kept  alive  till  this  day  among  the  Indians 
of  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Andes.  The  fact  that 
neither  Jamaica  nor  other  islands  occupied  by  Span- 
iards were  invaded,  goes  to  prove  that  in  the  case 
of  Puerto  Rico  the  invasions  were  prompted  by  bitter 
resentment  of  natives  who  had  preferred  exile  to  slav- 
ery, coupled,  perhaps,  with  a hope  of  being  able  to 
drive  the  enemies  of  their  race  from  their  island 
home,  a hope  which,  if  it  existed,  and  if  we  consider 
the  very  limited  number  of  Spaniards  who  occupied 
it,  was  not  without  foundation. 

It  was  Nemesis,  therefore,  and  not  the  mere  lust 
of  plunder,  that  guided  the  Boriquen  Indians  and 
their  Carib  allies  on  their  invasions  of  Puerto  Rico. 


way  of  the  Orinoco.  The  larger  Antilles,  Cuba,  la  EspaKola,  and 
Puerto  Rico,  were  occupied  by  a race  which  probably  originated 
from  some  southern  division  of  the  northern  continent.  The 
chroniclers  mention  the  Guaycures  and  others  as  their  ancestors, 
and  Stahl  traces  their  origin  to  a mixture  of  the  Phoenicians  with 
the  aboriginals  of  remote  antiquity. 

7 79 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Diego  Columbus  during  his  visit  in  1514  had 
'founded  a settlement  with  50  colonists  along  the 
borders  of  the  Daguao  and  Macao  rivers  on  the  east- 
ern coast. 

They  had  constructed  houses  and  ranchos,  intro- 
duced cattle,  and  commenced  their  plantations,  but 
without  taking  any  precautions  against  sudden  at- 
tacks or  providing  themselves  with  extra  means  of 
defense. 

One  night  they  were  awakened  by  the  glare  of 
fire  and  the  yells  of  the  savages.  As  they  rushed  out 
to  seek  safety  they  fell  pierced  with  arrows  or  under 
the  blows  of  the  terrible  Maeanas.  Very  few  of  them 
escaped. 

The  next  attack  was  in  the  locality  now  consti- 
tuting the  municipal  district  of  Loiza. 

This  place  was  settled  by  several  Spaniards, 
among  them  Juan  Mexia,  a man  said  to  have  been  of 
herculean  strength  and  great  courage.  The  Indian 
woman  with  whom  he  cohabited  had  received  timely 
warning  of  the  intended  attack,  a proof  that  commu- 
nications existed  between  the  supposed  Caribs  and  the 
Indians  on  the  island.  She  endeavored  to  persuade 
the  man  to  seek  safety  in  flight,  but  he  disdained  to  do 
so.  Then  she  resolved  to  remain  with  him  and  share 
his  fate.  Both  were  killed,  and  Alejandro  Tapia,  a 
native  poet,  has  immortalized  the  woman’s  devotion 
in  a romantic,  but  purely  imaginative,  composition. 

Ponce’s  virtual  defeat  in  Guadeloupe  made  the 
Caribs  bolder  than  ever.  They  came  oftener  and  in 
larger  numbers,  always  surprising  the  settlements 
that  were  least  prepared  to  offer  resistance. 

80 


Boriquen  Indians  and  Caribs 

Five  years  had  elapsed  since  the  destruction  of 
Daguao.  A new  settlement  had  gradually  sprung 
up  in  the  neighborhood  along  the  river  llumacao 
and  was  beginning  to  prosper,  but  it  was  also  doomed. 
On  November  16,  1520,  Baltazar  Castro,  one  of  the 
crown  officers,  reported  to  the  emperor: 

“ It  is  about  two  months  since  5 canoes  with  150 
Carib  warriors  came  to  this  island  of  San  Juan  and 
disembarked  in  the  river  llumacao,  near  some  Span- 
ish settlements,  where  they  killed  4 Christians  and  13 
Indians.  From  here  they  went  to  some  gold  mines 
and  then  to  some  others,  killing  2 Christians  at  each 
place.  They  burned  the  houses  and  took  a fishing 
smack,  killing  4 more.  They  remained  from  fifteen 
to  twenty  days  in  the  country,  the  Christians  being 
unable  to  hurt  them,  having  no  ships.  They  killed  13 
Christians  in  all,  and  as  many  Indian  women,  and 
‘ carried  off  ’ 50  natives.  They  will  grow  bolder  for 
being  allowed  to  depart  without  punishment.  It 
would  be  well  if  the  Seville  officers  sent  two  light- 
draft  vessels  to  occupy  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  by 
which  they  enter.” 

On  April  15,  1521,  a large  number  of  Indians 
made  a descent  on  the  south  coast,  but  we  have  no 
details  of  their  doings;  and  in  1529  their  audacity 
culminated  in  an  attempt  on  the  capital  itself.  La 
Gama’s  report  to  the  emperor  of  this  event  is  as  fol- 
lows: “ On  the  18th  of  October,  after  midnight,  8 
large  pirogues  full  of  Caribs  entered  the  bay  of 
Puerto  Rico,  and  meeting  a bark  on  her  way  to  Baya- 
mon,  manned  by  5 negroes  and  some  other  people, 
they  took  her.  Finding  that  they  had  been  dis- 

81 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

^covered,  they  did  not  attempt  a landing  till  sunrise, 
then  they  scuttled  the  bark.  Some  shots  fired  at 
them  made  them  leave.  Three  negroes  were  found 
dead,  pierced  with  arrows.  The  people  of  this  town 
and  all  along  the  coast  are  watching.  Such  a thing  as 
this  has  not  been  heard  of  since  the  discovery.  A 
fort,  arms,  artillery,  and  2 brigantines  of  30  oars 
each,  and  no  Caribs  will  dare  to  come.  If  not  sent, 
fear  will  depopulate  the  island.” 

In  the  same  month  of  the  following  year  (1530) 
they  returned,  and  this  time  landed  and  laid  waste 
the  country  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital.  The 
report  of  the  crown  officers  is  dated  the  31st  of  Octo- 
ber: “ Last  Sunday,  the  23d  instant,  11  canoes,  in 
which  there  may  have  been  500  Caribs,  came  to 
this  island  and  landed  at  a point  where  there  are 
some  agricultural  establishments  belonging  to  people 
of  this  city.  It  is  the  place  where  the  best  gold  in 
the  island  is  found,  called  Daguao  and  the  mines  of 
Llagiiello.  Here  they  plundered  the  estate  of  Christo- 
pher Guzman,  the  principal  settler.  They  killed  him 
and  some  other  Christians,^  whites,  blacks,  and  In- 
dians, besides  some  fierce  dogs,  and  horses  which 
stood  ready  saddled.  They  burned  them  all,  together 
with  the  houses,  and  committed  many  cruelties  with 
the  Christians.  They  carried  off  25  negroes  and 
Indians,  to  eat  them,  as  is  their  wont.  We  fear  that 
they  will  attack  the  defenseless  city  in  greater 
force,  and  the  fear  is  so  great  that  the  women  and 
children  dare  not  sleep  in  their  houses,  but  go  to  the 


* Abbad  says  30. 
82 


Boriquen  Indians  and  Caribs 

church  and  the  monastery,  which  are  built  of  stone. 
We  men  guard  the  city  and  the  roads,  being  unable 
to  attend  to  our  business. 

“We  insist  that  2 brigantines  be  armed  and 
equipped,  as  was  ordered  by  the  Catholic  king.  No 
Caribs  Avill  then  dare  to  come.  Let  the  port  be 
fortified  or  the  island  will  be  deserted.  The  gov- 
ernor and  the  officers  know  how  great  is  the  need, 
but  they  may  make  no  outlays  without  express 
orders.” 

As  a result  of  the  repeated  requests  for  light- 
draft  vessels,  2 brigantines  were  constructed  in 
Seville  in  1531  and  shipped,  in  sections,  on  board  of 
a ship  belonging  to  Master  Juan  de  Leon,  who  arrived 
in  June,  1532.  The  crown  officers  immediately  in- 
vited all  who  wished  to  man  the  brigantines  and  make 
war  on  the  Caribs,  offering  them  as  pay  half  of  the 
product  of  the  sale  of  the  slaves  they  should  make, 
the  other  half  to  be  applied  to  the  purchase  of  pro- 
visions. 

The  brigantines  were  unfit  for  service.  In  Feb- 
ruary, 1534,  the  emperor  was  informed:  “Of  the 
brigantines  which  your  Majesty  sent  for  the  defense 
of  this  island  only  the  timber  came,  and  half  of  that 
was  unfit.  ...  We  have  built  brigantines  with  the 
money  intended  for  fortifications.” 

Governor  Lando  wrote  about  the  same  time:  “ We 
suffer  a thousand  injuries  from  the  Caribs  of  Guade- 
loupe and  Dominica.  They  come  every  year  to  as- 
sault us.  Although  the  city  is  so  poor,  we  have  spent 
4,000  pesos  in  fitting  out  an  expedition  of  130  men 
against  them;  but,  however  much  they  are  punished, 

83 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

'the  evil  will  not  disappear  till  your  Majesty  orders 
these  islands  to  be  settled.” 

The  expedition  referred  to  sailed  under  the  orders 
of  Joan  de  Ayucar,  and  reached  Dominica  in  May, 
1534.  Fifteen  or  16  villages  of  about  20  houses  each 
were  burned,  103  natives  were  killed,  and  70  prison- 
ers were  taken,  the  majority  women  and  hoys.  The 
Spaniards  penetrated  a distance  of  ten  leagnies  into 
the  interior  of  the  island,  meeting  with  little  resist- 
ance, because  the  warrior  population  was  absent. 
Eight  or  10  pirogues  and  more  than  20  canoes  were 
also  burned.  With  this  punishment  the  fears  of  the 
people  in  San  Juan  were  considerably  allayed. 

In  1536  Sedeho  led  an  expedition  against  the 
Caribs  of  Trinidad  and  Bartholome.  Carreho  fitted 
out  another  in  1539.  lie  brought  a number  of  slaves 
for  sale,  and  the  crown  officers  asked  permission  to 
brand  them  on  the  forehead,  ‘‘  as  is  done  in  la  Es- 
paiiola  and  in  Cubagua.” 

The  Indians  returned  assault  for  assault.  Be- 
tween the  years  1564  and  1570  they  were  specially 
active  along  the  southern  coast  of  San  Juan,  so  that 
Governor  Francisco  Bahamonde  Lugo  had  to  take  the 
field  against  them  in  person  and  was  wounded  in  the 
encoimter.  Loiza,  which  had  been  resettled,  was  de- 
stroyed for  the  second  time  in  1 5«2,  and  a year  or  so 
later  the  Caribs  made  a night  attack  on  Aguada, 
where  they  destroyed  the  Franciscan  convent  and 
killed  3 monks. 

With  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  commence- 
ment of  the  seventeenth  centuries  the  AFest  Indian 
archipelago  became  the  theater  of  French  and  Eng- 

84 


Boriquen  Indians  and  Caribs 

]ish  maritime  enterprise.  The  Carib  strongholds  were 
occupied,  and  by  degrees  their  fierce  spirit  was  sub- 
dued, their  war  dances  relinquished,  their  war  canoes 
destroyed,  their  traditions  forgotten,  and  the  bold 
savages,  once  the  terror  of  the  West  Indian  seas, 
succiujabed  in  their  turn  to  the  inexorable  law  of  the 
survival  of  the  fittest. 


85 


CHAPTER  XIII 


DEPOPULATION  OF  THE  ISLAND PREVENTIVE  MEASURES 

INTRODUCTION  OF  NEGRO  SLAVES 

1515-1534 

The  natural  consequence  of  natural  calamities 
and  invasions  was  the  rapid  disappearance  of  the 
natives.  “ The  Indians  are  few  and  serve  badly,” 
wrote  Sedeno  in  1515,  about  the  same  time  that  the 
crown  officers,  to  explain  the  diminution  in  the  gold 
product,  wrote  that  many  Indians  had  died  of  hunger, 
as  a result  of  the  hurricane.  “ . . . The  people  in  la 
Mona,”  they  said,  “ have  provided  310  loads  of  bread, 
with  which  we  have  bought  an  estate  in  San  German. 
It  will  not  do  to  bring  the  Indians  of  that  island 
away,  because  they  are  needed  for  the  production  of 
bread.” 

Strenuous  efiForts  to  prevent  the  extinction  of  the 
Indians  were  made  by  Father  Bartolome  Las  Casas, 
soon  after  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand.  This  worthy 
Dominican  friar  had  come  to  the  court  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  denouncing  the  system  of  “ encomiendas  ” 
and  the  cruel  treatment  of  the  natives  to  which  it  gave 
rise.  He  found  willing  listeners  in  Cardinal  Cisneros 
and  Dean  Adrian,  of  Lovaino,  the  regents,  who  recom- 
pensed his  zeal  with  the  title  of  “ Protector  of  the  In- 

86 


Depopulation  of  the  Island 

dians.”  The  appointment  of  a triumvirate  of  Jerome 
friars  to  govern  la  Espanola  and  San  Juan  (1517)  was 
also  due  to  Las  Casas’s  efforts.  Two  years  later  the 
triumvirate  reported  to  the  emperor  that  in  com- 
pliance with  his  orders  they  had  taken  away  the  In- 
dians from  all  non-resident  Spaniards  in  la  Espanola 
and  had  collected  them  in  villages. 

Soon  after  the  emperor’s  arrival  in  Spain  Las 
Casas  obtained  further  concessions  in  favor  of  the 
Indians.  ISiot  the  least  important  among  these  were 
granted  in  the  schedule  of  July  12,  1520,  which 
recognized  the  principle  that  the  Indians  were  born 
free,  and  contained  the  following  dispositions: 

1st.  That  in  future  no  more  distributions  of  In- 
dians should  take  place. 

2d.  That  all  Indians  assigned  to  non-residents, 
from  the  monarch  downward,  should  be  ipse  facto 
free,  and  be  established  in  villages,  under  the  author- 
ity of  their  respective  caciques;  and 

3d.  That  all  residents  in  these  islands,  who  still 
possessed  Indians,  were  bound  to  conform  strictly, 
in  their  treatment  of  them,  to  the  ordinances  for  their 
protection  previously  promtilgated. 

Antonio  de  la  Gama  was  charged  with  the  exe- 
cution of  this  decree.  lie  sent  a list  of  non-residents, 
February  15,  1521,  with  the  number  of  Indians  taken 
from  each,  his  Majesty  himself  heading  the  list  with 
80.  The  total  number  thiis  liberated  was  664. 

These  dispositions  created  fierce  opposition.  Li- 
centiate Figueroa  addi’essed  the  emperor  on  the  sub- 
ject, saying:  “ ...  It  is  necessary  to  overlook  the 
‘ encomiendas,’  otherwise  the  people  will  be  unable 

87 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 


to  maintain  themselves,  and  the  island  will  be  aban- 
doned.” 

However,  the  crown  officers  ascribe  the  licentiate’s 
protest  to  other  motives  than  the  desire  for  the  good 
of  the  island.  “ He  has  done  much  harm,”  they 
wrote.  “ He  has  brought  some  covetous  young  men 
with  him  and  made  them  inspectors.  They  imposed 
heavy  fines  and  gave  the  confiscated  Indians  to  their 
friends  and  relations.  He  and  they  are  rich,  while 
the  old  residents  have  scarcely  wherewith  to  main- 
tain themselves.” 

But  Figueroa  had  foreseen  these  accusations,  for 
he  concludes  his*  above-mentioned  letter  to  the  em- 
peror, saying:  “ . . . Let  your  Majesty  give  no  cre- 
dence to  those  who  complain.  Most  of  them  are  very 
cruel  with  the  Indians,  and  care  not  if  they  be  exter- 
minated, provided  they  themselves  can  amass  gold 
and  return  to  Castilla.” 

j\rartin  Fernandez  Enciso,  a bachelor-at-law,  ad- 
dressed to  the  emperor  a learned  dissertation  intended 
to  refute  the  doctrine  that  the  Indians  were  born  free, 
maintaining  that  the  right  of  conquest  of  the  Xew 
"World  granted  by  the  Pope  necessarily  included  the 
right  to  reduce  the  inhabitants  to  slavery. 

And  thus,  in  spite  of  the  philanthropic  efforts  of 
Las  Casas,  of  the  well-intentioned  ordinances  of  the 
Catholic  kings,  and  of  the  more  radical  measures 
sanctioned  by  Charles  Y,  the  Indian’s  lot  was  not 
bettered  till  it  was  too  late  to  save  him  from  ex- 
tinction. 

“The  Indians  are  dying  out!”  This  is  the  mel- 
ancholy refrain  of  all  the  official  commiinications 

88 


Depopulation  of  the  Island 

from  1530  to  1536.  The  emperor  made  a last  effort 
to  save  the  remnant  in  1538,  and  decreed  that  all  those 
who  still  had  Indians  in  their  possession  should  con- 
struct stone  or  adobe  houses  for  them  under  penalty 
of  losing  them.  In  1543  it  was  ordained  by  an  Order 
in  Council  that  all  Indians  still  alive  in  Cuba,  la  Es- 
pahola,  and  Puerto  Rico,  were  as  free  as  the  Span- 
iards themselves,  and  they  should  be  permitted  to 
loiter  and  be  idle,  “ that  they  might  increase  and 
multiply.” 

Bishop  Rodrigo  Bastidas,  who  was  charged  to  see 
to  the  execution  of  this  order  in  Puerto  Rico,  still 
found  80  Indians  to  liberate.  Notwithstanding  these 
terminant  orders,  so  powerless  were  they  to  abolish 
the  abuses  resulting  from  the  iniquitous  system,  that 
as  late  as  1550  the  Indians  were  still  treated  as  slaves. 
In  that  year  Governor  Vallejo  wrote  to  the  emperor; 
“ I found  great  irregularity  in  the  treatment  of  these 
few  Indians,  . . . they  were  being  secretly  sold  as 
slaves,  etc.” 

Finally,  in  1582,  Presbyter  Ponce  de  Leon  and 
Bachelor-at-Law  Santa  Clara,  in  a communication 
to  the  authorities,  stated : “ At  the  time  when  this 
island  was  taken  there  were  found  here  and  distrib- 
uted 5,500  Indians,  without  counting  those  who 
would  not  submit,  and  to-day  there  is  not  one  left, 
excepting  12  or  15,  who  have  been  brought  from  the 
continent.  They  died  of  disease,  sarampion,  rheum, 
smallpox,  and  ill-usage,  or  escaped  to  other  islands 
with  the  Caribs.  The  few  that  remain  are  scat- 
tered here  and  there  among  the  Spaniards  on  their 
little  plantations.  Some  serve  as  soldiers.  They  do 

89 


' The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

not  speak  their  language,  because  they  are  mostly 
born  in  the  island,  and  they  are  good  Christians,” 
This  is  the  last  we  read  of  the  Boriquen  Indians. 

With  the  gradual  extinction  of  the  natives,  not 
only  the  gold  output  ceased,  but  the  cultivation  of 
ginger,  cotton,  cacao,  indigo,  etc.,  in  which  articles 
a small  trade  had  sprung  up,  was  abandoned.  The 
Carib  incursions  and  hurricanes  did  the  rest,  and  the 
island  soon  became  a vast  jungle  which  everybody  who 
could  abandoned. 

“ We  have  been  writing  these  last  four  years,” 
wrote  the  crown  oflScers,  February  26,  1534,  “ that 
the  island  is  becoming  depopulated,  the  gold  is  dimin- 
ishing, the  Indians  are  gone.  Some  new  gold  deposits 
were  discovered  in  1532,  and  as  much  as  20,000 
pesos  were  extracted.  We  thought  this  would  con- 
tribute to  the  repeopling  of  the  island,  but  the  con- 
trary has  happened.  The  people,  ruined  by  the  hur- 
ricanes of  the  year  1530,  thinking  that  they  might 
find  other  gold  deposits,  bought  negroes  on  credit  at 
very  high  prices  to  search  for  them.  They  found 
none,  and  have  not  been  able  to  pay  their  creditors. 
Some  are  fugitive  in  the  mountains,  others  in  prison, 
others  again  have  stolen  vessels  belonging  to  the  Ad- 
ministration and  have  gone  with  their  negroes  no  one 
knows  where.  With  all  this  and  the  news  from  Peru, 
not  a soul  would  remain  if  they  were  not  stopped.” 

When  the  news  of  the  fabulous  riches  discovered 
in  Peru  reached  this  island,  the  desire  to  emigrate  be- 
came irresistible.  Governor  Lando  wrote  to  the  em- 
peror, February  27,  1534:  . Two  months  ago 

90 


Depopulation  of  the  Island 

there  came  a ship  here  from  Peru  to  buy  horses.  The 
captain  related  such  wonderful  things  that  the  people 
here  and  in  San  German  became  excited,  and  even 
the  oldest  settlers  wanted  to  leave.  If  I had  not  in- 
stantly ordered  him  away  the  island  would  have  been 
deserted.  I have  imposed  the  death  penalty  on  who- 
soever shall  attempt  to  leave  the  island.” 

On  July  2d  he  wrote  again:  “.  . . Many,  mad 
with  the  news  from  Peru,  have  secretly  embarked  in 
one  or  other  of  the  numerous  small  ports  at  a distance 
from  the  city.  Among  the  remaining  settlers  even 
the  oldest  is  constantly  saying:  ‘ God  help  me  to  go 
to  Peru.’  I am  watching  day  and  night  to  prevent 
their  escape,  but  can  not  assure  you  that  I shall  be 
able  to  retain  the  people. 

“ Two  months  ago  I heard  that  some  of  them  had 
obtained  possession  of  a ship  at  a point  on  the  coast 
two  leagues  from  here  and  intended  to  leave.  I 
sent  three  vessels  down  the  coast  and  twenty  horse- 
men by  land.  They  resisted,  and  my  presence  was 
required  to  take  them.  Three  were  killed  and  others 
wounded.  / ordered  some  of  them  to  he  flogged  and 
cut  off  the  feet  of  others,  and  then  I had  to  dissimu- 
late the  seditious  cries  of  others  who  were  in  league 
with  them  and  intended  to  join  them  in  la  Mona, 
which  is  twelve  leagues  from  here.  If  your  Majesty 
does  not  promptly  remedy  this  evil,  I fear  that  the 
island  will  be  entirely  depopulated  or  remain  like  a 
country  inn.  This  island  is  the  key  and  the  entrance 
to  all  the  Antilles.  The  French  and  English  free- 
booters land  here  first.  The  Caribs  carry  off  our 
neighbors  and  friends  before  our  very  eyes.  If  a ship 

91 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

were  to  come  here  at  night  with  fifty  men,  they  could 
burn  the  city  and  kill  every  soul  of  us.  I ask  protec- 
tion for  this  noble  island,  now  so  depopulated  that 
one  sees  scarcely  any  Spaniards,  only  negroes.  . . .” 

But  even  the  negro  population  was  scarce.  The 
introduction  of  African  slaves  into  la  Espanola  had 
proceeded  pari  passu  with  the  gradual  disappearance 
of  the  Indians.  As  early  as  1502  a certain  Juan 
Sanchez  had  obtained  permission  to  introduce  five 
caravels  of  negro  slaves  into  that  island  free  of  duty, 
though  Ovando  complained  that  many  of  them  es- 
caped to  the  mountains  and  made  the  Indians  more 
insubordinate  than  ever;  but  in  San  Juan  a special 
permission  to  introduce  negroes  was  necessary.  Geron 
in  1510  and  Sedeiio  in  1512  were  permitted  to  bring 
in  two  negroes  each  only  by  swearing  that  they  were 
for  their  own  personal  service.  In  1513  the  general 
introduction  of  African  slaves  was  authorized  by  royal 
schedule,  but  two  ducats  per  head  had  to  be  paid  for 
the  privilege.  Cardinal  Cisneros  suspended  the  ex- 
port of  slaves  from  Spain  in  1516,  but  the  emperor 
sanctioned  it  again  in  1517,  to  stop,  if  possible,  the 
destruction  of  the  natives. 

Father  Las  Casas  favored  the  introduction  of  Af- 
rican slaves  for  the  same  reason,  and  obtained  from 
the  emi)cror  a concession  in  favor  of  his  high  steward, 
Garrebod,  to  send  4,000  negroes  to  la  Espanola,  Cuba, 
and  Puerto  Eico.  Garrebod  sold  the  concession  to  a: 
Genovese  firm  (1517),  but  negroes  remained  very 
scarce  and  dear  in  San  Juan  till  1530,  when,  by  special 
dispensation  of  the  empress  in  favor  of  some  mer- 
chants, 200  negroes  were  brought  to  this  island. 

92 


Depopulation  of  the  Island 

They  were  greedily  taken  up  on  credit  at  exorbitant 
prices,  which  caused  the  ruin  of  the  purchasers  and 
made  the  city  authorities  of  San  Juan  petition  her 
Majesty  April  18,  1533,  praying  that  no  more  negro 
slaves  might  be  permitted  to  come  to  the  island  for 
a period  of  eighteen  months,  because  of  the  inability 
of  the  people  to  pay  for  them. 

In  Governor  Lando’s  letter  of  July,  1534,  above 
cpioted,  he  informs  the  emperor  that  in  the  only  two 
towns  that  existed  in  the  island  at  that  time  (San 
Juan  and  San  German)  there  were  “ very  few  Span- 
iards and  only  6 negroes  in  each.’'  The  incursions 
of  the  French  and  English  freebooters,  to  which  he 
refers  in  the  same  letter,  had  commenced  six  years  be- 
fore, and  these  incursions  bring  the  tale  of  the  island’s 
calamities  to  a climax. 


93 


CHAPTEE  XIY 


ATTACKS  BY  FRENCH  PRIVATEERS CAUSE  OF  THE  WAR 

WITH  FRANCE CHARLES  V RUIN  OF  THE  ISLAND 

1520-1556 

The  depredations  committed  by  the  privateers, 
which  about  this  time  began  to  infest  the  Antilles  and 
prey  upon  the  Spanish  possessions,  were  a result  of  the 
wars  with  almost  every  nation  in  Europe,  in  which 
Spain  became  involved  after  the  accession  of  Charles, 
the  son  of  Juana,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
and  Philip  I,  Archduke  of  Austria. 

The  young  prince  had  been  educated  amid  all  the 
pomp  and  splendor  of  the  imperial  court.  He  was 
a perfect  type  of  the  medieval  cavalier,  who  could 
break  a lance  with  the  proudest  knight  in  the  empire, 
and  was  worthy  in  every  respect  of  the  high  destiny 
that  awaited  him.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  became 
the  heir  to  eight  kingdoms,^  the  recognized  ruler  of 
the  Netherlands,  lord  of  vast  territories  in  Africa, 
and  absolute  arbiter  of  the  destinies  of  the  Spanish 
division  of  the  New  World. 

Scarcely  had  this  powerful  young  prince  been  ac- 
cepted and  crowned  by  the  last  and  most  recalcitrant 

* Castilla  and  Aragon,  Navarro,  Valencia,  Catalufia,  Mallorca, 
Sicily,  and  Naples. 


94 


Cause  of  the  War  with  France 


of  his  kingdoms  (Cataluna),  and  while  still  in  Barce- 
lona, the  news  arrived  of  the  death  of  his  grandfather, 
Maximilian,  King  of  the  Romans  and  Emperor  elect 
of  Germany.  Intrigues  for  the  possession  of  the 
coveted  crown  were  set  on  foot  at  once  by  the  prince, 
now  Charles  I of  Spain  and  by  Francis  I,  King  of 
France.  The  powers  ranged  themselves  on  either  side 
as  their  interests  dictated.  Henry  VIII  of  England 
declared  himself  neutral;  Pope  Leon  X,  who  dis- 
trusted both  claimants,  was  waiting  to  see  which  of 
them  would  buy  his  support  by  the  largest  concessions 
to  the  temporal  power  of  the  Vatican;  the  Swiss  Can- 
tons hated  France  and  sided  with  Charles;  Venice 
favored  Francis  I.^ 

The  German  Diet  assembled  at  Frankfort  June 
17,  1519,  and  unanimously  elected  Frederick  of  Sax- 
ony, surnamed  the  Prudent.  He  showed  his  prudence 
by  declining  the  honor,  and  in  an  address  to  the  as- 
sembly dwelt  at  some  length  on  the  respective  merits 
of  the  two  pretenders,  and  ended  by  declaring  him- 
self in  favor  of  the  Spanish  prince,  one  reason  for  his 
preference  being  that  Charles  was  more  directly  in- 
terested in  checking  the  advance  of  the  Turks,  who, 
under  Soleiman  the  Magnificent,  threatened,  at  the 
time,  to  overrun  the  whole  of  eastern  Europe. 

Charles  I of  Spain  was  elected,  and  thus  became 
Charles  V,  King  of  the  Romans  and  Emperor  of  Ger- 
many — that  is,  the  most  powerful  monarch  of  his 
time,  before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  manhood.  His 


* Hista.  general  de  Espafla  por  Don  Modesto  Lafuente.  Bar- 
celona, 1889. 

8 


95 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

success,  added  to  other  political  differences  and  ambi- 
tions, was  not  long  in  provoking  a war  with  France, 
which,  with  short  intervals,  lasted  the  lifetime  of  the 
two  princes. 

Spain  was  most  vulnerable  in  her  ultramarine 
possessions.  They  offered  tempting  prizes  to  the  un- 
scrupulous, adventurous  spirits  of  the  period,  and  the 
merchants  on  the  coast  of  Normandy  asked  and  ob- 
tained permission  to  equip  privateers  to  harass  Span- 
ish commerce  and  attack  the  unprotected  settlements. 

San  Juan  was  one  of  the  first  to  suffer.  An  offi- 
cial report  dated  September  26,  1528,  informs  us 
that  “ on  the  day  of  the  Apostle  Saint  John  a French 
caravel  and  a tender  bore  down  on  the  port  of  Cuba- 
gua  and  attempted  to  land  artillery  from  the  ship 
with  the  help  of  Indians  brought  from  Margarita, 
five  leagues  distant.  On  the  12th  of  August  they 
took  the  town  of  San  German,  plundered  and  burned 
it;  they  also  destroyed  two  caravels  that  were 
there.  . . .” 

French  privateers  were  sighted  off  the  coast  con- 
tinually, but  it  would  seem  that  the  island,  with  its 
reputation  for  poverty,  its  two  settlements  40 
leagues  apart,  and  scanty  population,  offered  too  lit- 
tle chance  for  booty,  so  that  no  other  landing  is  re- 
corded till  15.38,  when  a privateer  was  seen  chasing  a 
caravel  on  her  way  to  San  German.  The  caravel  ran 
ashore  at  a point  two  leagues  from  the  capital  and  the 
crew  escaped  into  the  woods.  The  Frenchmen  looted 
the  vessel  and  then  proceeded  to  Guadianilla,  where 
they  landed  80  men,  50  of  them  arquebusiers.  They 

96 


Cause  of  the  War  with  France 


burned  the  town,  robbed  the  church  and  Dominican 
convent;  but  the  people,  after  placing  their  families 
in  security,  returned,  and  under  favor  of  a showier 
of  rain,  which  made  the  arquebuses  useless,  fell  upon 
them,  killed  15  and  took  3 prisoners,  in  exchange  for 
whom  the  stolen  church  property  was  restored.  The 
people  had  only  1 killed. 

The  attack  was  duly  reported  to  the  sovereign, 
who  ordered  the  construction  of  a fort,  and  appointed 
Juan  de  Castellanos,  the  treasurer,  its  commander 
(October  7, 1540).  The  treasurer’s  reply  is  character- 
istic : “ The  fort  which  I have  been  ordered  to  make 
in  the  town  of  San  German,  of  which  I am  to  be 
the  commander,  shall  be  made  as  well  as  we  may, 
though  there  is  great  want  of  money  . . . and  of 
carts,  negroes,  etc.  It  will  be  necessary  to  send 
masons  from  Sevilla,  as  there  is  only  1 here,  also  tools 
and  20  negroes.  . . . 

“ Forts  for  this  island  are  well  enough,  but  it 
would  be  better  to  favor  the  population,  lending 
money  or  ceding  the  revenues  for  a few  years,  to  con- 
struct sugar-mills.  ...” 

On  J une  12th  of  the  same  year  the  treasurer  wrote 
again  announcing  that  work  on  the  San  German  fort 
had  commenced,  for  which  purpose  he  had  bought 
some  negroes  and  hired  others  at  two  and  a half  pesos 
per  month. 

But  on  February  12,  1542,  the  crown  officers,  in- 
cluding Castellanos,  reported  that  the  emperor's 
order  to  suspend  work  on  the  fort  of  San  German  had 
been  obeyed. 

In  February,  1543,  the  bishop  wrote  to  the  em- 
97 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

peror;  “ The  people  of  San  German,  for  fear  of  the 
French  privateers,  have  taken  their  families  and  prop- 
erty into  the  woods.  If  there  were  a fort  they  would 
not  be  so  timid  nor  would  the  place  be  so  depopu- 
lated.” 

As  late  as  September,  1548,  he  reported:  “I 

came  here  from  la  Espanola  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  to  visit  my  diocese.  I disembarked  in  San  Ger- 
man with  an  order  from  the  Audiencia  to  convoke  the 
inhabitants,  and  found  that  there  were  a few  over  30, 
who  lived  half  a league  from  the  port  for  fear  of 
the  privateers.  They  don’t  abandon  the  important 
place,  hut  there  ought  to  be  a fort.” 

But  the  prelate  pleaded  in  vain. 

Charles  V,  occupied  in  opposing  the  French  king’s 
five  armies,  could  not  he  expected  to  give  much  atten- 
tion to  the  affairs  of  an  insignificant  island  in  a remote 
corner  of  his  vast  dominions.  Puerto  Rico  was  left 
to  take  care  of  itself,  and  San  German’s  last  hour 
struck  on  Palm  Sunday,  1554,  when  3 French  ships 
entered  the  port  of  Guadianilla,  landed  a detachment 
of  men  who  penetrated  a league  inland,  plundering 
and  destroying  whatever  they  could.  From  that  day 
San  German,  the  settlement  founded  by  Miguel  del 
Toro  in  1512,  disappeared  from  the  face  of  the  land. 

The  capital  remained.  No  doubt  it  owed  its 
preservation  from  French  attacks  to  the  presence  of 
a battery  and  some  pieces  of  artillery  which,  as  a 
result  of  reiterated  petitions,  had  been  provided.  The 
population  also  was  more  numerous.  In  1529  there 
were  120  houses,  some  of  them  of  stone.  The  cathe- 
dral was  completed,  and  a Dominican  convent  was  in 

98 


Cause  of  the  War  with  France 


course  of  construction  with  25  friars  waiting  to 
occupy  it.  Thus,  one  by  one,  all  the  original  settle- 
ments disappeared.  Guanica,  Sotomayor,  Daguao, 
Loiza,  had  been  swept  away  by  the  Indians.  San 
German  fell  the  victim  of  the  Spanish  monarch’s  war 
with  his  neighbor.  The  only  remaining  settlement, 
the  capital,  was  soon  to  be  on  the  point  of  being  sacri- 
ficed in  the  same  way.  The  existence  of  the  island 
seemed  to  be  half-forgotten,  its  connection  with  the 
metropolis  half-severed,  for  the  crown  officers  wrote 
in  1536  that  no  ship  from  the  Peninsula  had  entered 
its  ports  for  two  years. 

“ l^egroes  and  Indians,”  says  Abbad,  “ seeing  the 
small  number  of  Spaniards  and  their  misery,  escaped 
to  the  mountains  of  Luquillo  and  Anasco,  whence 
they  descended  only  to  rob  their  masters.” 


99 


CHAPTEE  XV 


SEDEKO CHANGES  IN  THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT 

1534-1555 

A SLIGHT  improvement  in  the  gloomy  situation  of 
the  people  of  San  Juan  took  place  when,  driven  by 
necessity,  they  began  to  dedicate  themselves  to  agri- 
culture. At  this  time,  too  (1535),  Juan  Castellanos, 
the  island’s  attorney  at  the  court,  returned  with  his 
own  family  and  75  colonists.  Yet  scarcely  had  they 
had  time  to  settle  when  they  were  invited  to  re- 
migrate by  one  of  Ponce’s  old  companions. 

This  was  Sedeiio,  a perfect  type  of  the  Spanish 
adventurer  of  the  sixteenth  century — restless,  ambi- 
tious, unscrupulous.  The  king  had  made  him  “ con- 
tador  ” (comptroller)  of  San  Juan  in  1512  and  per- 
petual “ regidor  ” (alderman)  in  1515.  In  1518  we 
find  him  in  prison  under  accusation  of  ha\dng  brought 
a woman  and  child  from  a convent  in  Sevilla.  He 
broke  out  of  the  prison  and  escaped  in  a ship.  In  1521 
he  was  in  prison  again  for  debt  to  the  Government. 
On  this  occasion  the  judge  auditor  wrote  to  the  em- 
peror:‘C  . . It  is  said  of  the  comptroller  that  he  has 
nut  his  hands  deep  into  your  Majesty’s  treasure.  He 
is  the  one  who  causes  most  strife  and  unrest  in  the  is- 
land, . . . everybody  says  that  it  w’ould  be  well  if  he 

100 


changes  in  System  of  Government 

were  removed.”  In  1524  Villasante  accused  him  of 
malversation  of  public  funds.  In  1531  he  appears  as 
Governor  of  Trinidad,  accused  of  capturing  natives 
of  the  neighboring  continent,  branding  them  and  sell- 
ing them  as  slaves.  In  1532,  reinstated  in  his  post  as 
comptroller,  he  leaves  Alonzo  de  la  Fuente  as  his 
deputy  and  goes  on  an  expedition  to  conquer  Trinidad. 
In  1535  he  complains  to  the  emperor  that  the  authori- 
ties in  San  Juan  have  not  assisted  him  in  his  enter- 
prise, and  in  the  following  year  the  governor  and 
crown  officers  address  a complaint  against  him  to 
the  empress,  saying:  “ Sedeno  presented  a schedule 
authorizing  him  to  bring  200  men  from  the  Canary 
Islands  to  make  war  with  fire  and  sword  on  the  Caribs 
of  Trinidad,  and  permitting  him,  or  any  other  person 
authorized  by  him,  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  the 
same  purpose  here. 

“ Under  this  pretext  he  has  collected  people  to 
go  to  the  conquest  of  Meta.  We  wrote  to  the  Audi- 
encia  in  la  Espanola,  and  an  order  came  that  he 
should  not  go  beyond  the  limits  of  his  government, 
but  he  continues  his  preparations  and  has  already 
50  horses  and  120  men  on  the  continent,  and  is 
now  going  with  some  200  men  more  and  another 
100  horses.  He  takes  no  notice  of  your  Majesty’s 
commands,  collects  people  from  all  parts  without  a 
license,  and  causes  grave  injury  to  the  island, 
because  since  the  rage  for  going  to  Peru  began  the 
population  is  very  scarce  and  we  can  not  remedy  the 
evil.  . . .” 

This  restless  adventurer  died  of  fever  on  the  con- 
tinent in  1538. 


101 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Sedeno’s  emigration  schemes  deprived  the  island 
of  many  of  its  best  settlers.  The  wish  to  abandon  it 
was  universal.  Lando’s  drastic  measures  to  prevent 
it  roused  the  people’s  anger,  and  they  clamored  for  his 
removal.  The  Audiencia  sent  Juan  Blasquez  as  judge 
auditor,  and  Vasco  de  Tiedra  was  appointed  Lando’s 
successor  in  1536.  But  in  the  following  year  a radi- 
cal change  was  made  in  the  system  of  government. 

The  quarrels,  the  jealousies,  and  mutual  accusa- 
tions between  the  colonists  and  the  Government  oflS- 
cials  that  kept  the  island  in  a continual  ferment, 
were  the  natural  consequence  of  the  prerogatives 
exercised  by  Diego  Columbus,  which  permitted  him 
to  fill  all  lucrative  positions  in  the  island  with  his 
own  favorites,  often  without  any  regard  to  their  apti- 
tude. 

The  incessant  communications  to  the  emperor, 
and  even  to  the  empress,  on  every  subject  more  or 
less  connected  with  the  public  service,  but  dictated 
mostly  by  considerations  of  self-interest,  coming,  as 
they  did,  from  the  smallest  and  poorest  and  least  im- 
portant of  his  Majesty’s  possessions,  must  have  been 
a source  of  great  annoyance  to  the  imperial  minis- 
ters, consequently  they  resolved  to  remove  the  cause. 
The  Admiral  was  deprived  of  the  prerogative  of  ap- 
pointing governors,  and  henceforth  the  alcaldes 
(mayors)  and  “ chief  alguaciles  ” (high  constables), 
to  be  elected  from  among  the  colonists  by  a body  of 
eight  aldermen  (regidores),  were  to  exercise  the 
governmental  functions  for  one  year  at  a time,  and 
could  not  be  reelected  till  two  years  after  the  first 
nomination. 


102 


Changes  in  System  of  Government 

The  wisdom  of  this  innovation  was  not  generally 
acknowledged.  The  crown  officers  wrote:  . . All 

are  not  agreed  on  the  point  whether  the  governor 
should  or  should  not  be  elected  among  the  residents 
of  the  island.  For  the  country’s  good  he  should,  no 
doubt,  be  a resident.” 

Alonzo  la  Fuente  was  of  a different  opinion.  He 
wrote  in  November,  1536:  “It  has  been  a great 
boon  to  take  the  appointment  of  governors  out  of  the 
Admiral’s  hands.  As  a rule,  some  neighbor  or  friend 
was  made  supreme  judge,  and  he  usually  proceeded 
with  but  little  regard  for  the  island’s  welfare.  All 
the  rest  were  servants  and  employees  of  the  Admiral, 
which  caused  me  much  uneasiness,  seeing  the  results. 
Appoint  a governor,  but  a man  from  abroad,  not  a 
resident.”  In  the  following  year  he  wrote  regarding 
the  elective  system  just  introduced : “ . . . If  the  al- 
caldes must  take  cognizance  of  everything,  this  will 
become  a place  of  confusion  and  disorder.  A few 
will  lord  it  over  all  the  rest,  and  the  alcaldes  them- 
selves will  but  be  their  creatures.” 

The  new  system  of  government  was  unsatisfac- 
tory. Castro  and  Castellanos  asked  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a supreme  judge  in  March,  1539,  because 
an  appeal  to  the  authorities  in  la  Espanola  was  made 
against  every  decision  of  the  alcalde.  Alderman  La 
Fuente  and  Martel  confirmed  this  in  December,  1541. 
They  wrote : “.  . . There  is  great  want  of  a supreme 
judge.  More  than  fifteen  homicides  have  been  com- 
mitted in  less  than  eight  years,  and  only  one  of  the 
delinquents  has  been  punished.  . . In  January, 
1542,  the  city  officers  sent  a deputy  to  lay  their  griev- 

103 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

ances  before  the  emperor,  not  daring  to  write  them 
“ for  their  lives,”  and  in  February  the  island’s  at- 
torney, Alonzo  Molina,  stated  the  causes  of  the  fail- 
ure of  the  elective  system  to  be  the  ignorance  of  the 
laws  of  those  in  authority  and  the  reduced  number  of 
electors.  “ It  is  necessary,”  he  said,  “ to  name  a 
mayor  or  governor  who  is  a man  of  education  and  con- 
science, not  a resident,  because  the  judges  have  their 
^ compadres.’  ^ The  governor  must  be  a man  of 
whom  they  stand  in  fear,  and  if  some  one  of  this  class 
is  not  sent  soon,  he  will  find  few  to  govern,  for  the 
majority  intend  to  abandon  the  island.” 

A law  passed,  it  appears,  at  the  petition  of  a single 
individual,  in  1542,  increased  the  confusion  and  dis- 
cord still  more.  This  law  made  the  pastures  of  the 
island,  as  well  as  the  woods  and  waters,  public  prop- 
erty. The  woods  and  waters  had  been  considered  such 
from  the  beginning,  but  the  pastures,  included  in  the 
concessions  of  lands  made  at  different  times  by  the 
crown,  were  private  property.  The  result  of  this  law 
was  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  landless  and  resist- 
ance on  the  part  of  the  proprietors,  with  the  conse- 
quent scenes  of  violence  and  civil  strife. 

Kcpresentations  against  the  law  were  made  by 
the  ecclesiastical  chapter,  by  the  city  attorney,  and  by 
the  three  croAvn  officers  in  February,  1542;  but  the 
regidores,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  on  the  compli- 
ance with  the  royal  mandate,  and  reported  that  when 
the  law  Avas  promulgated,  all  the  possessors  of  cattle- 
ranges  opposed  it,  and  four  of  their  body  Avho  voted 


* Protectors  or  proteges — literally,  ‘‘godfathers. 
104 


changes  in  System  of  Government 

for  compliance  with  the  law  were  threatened  to  be 
stoned  to  death  and  have  their  eyes  pulled  out.  “ We 
asked  to  have  the  circumstance  testified  to  by  a notary, 
and  it  was  refused.  We  wanted  to  write  to  your  Maj- 
esty, and  to  prevent  any  one  conveying  our  letters, 
they  bought  the  whole  cargo  of  the  only  ship  in  port, 
and  did  the  same  with  another  ship  that  came  in  after- 
ward. . . .” 

On  the  2d  of  June  following  they  wrote  again: 
. . An  alcalde,  two  aldermen,  and  ten  or  twelve 
wealthy  cattle-owners  wanted  to  kill  us.  We  had  to 
lock  ourselves  up  in  our  houses.  . . . The  people  here 
are  so  insubordinate  that  if  your  Majesty  does  not 
send  some  one  to  chastise  them  and  protect  his  serv- 
ants, there  will  soon  be  no  island  of  San  Juan.” 

The  system  of  electing  annual  governors  among 
the  residents  was  abolished  in  1544,  and  the  cro'wn 
resumed  its  prerogative  with  the  appointment  of  Ge- 
ronimo  Lebron,  of  la  Espanola,  as  governor  for  one 
year.  He  died  fifteen  days  after  his  arrival,  and  the 
Audiencia  named  licentiate  Cervantes  de  Loayza  in 
his  place,  who  was  compelled  to  imprison  some  of  the 
ringleaders  in  the  party  of  opposition  against  the  pas- 
ture laws.  This  governor  wrote  to  the  emperor  in 
July,  1545:  “.  . . I came  to  this  island  with  my 
wife  and  children  to  serve  your  Majesty,  but  I found 
it  a prey  to  incredible  violences.  . . .” 

Cervantes  was  well  received  at  first,  and  the  city 
officials  asked  the  emperor  to  prorogue  his  term  of 
office,  but  as  Bishop  Bastidas  said  of  the  islanders, 
it  was  not  in  their  nature  to  be  long  satisfied  with 
any  governor,  and  the  next  year  they  clamored  for  his 

105 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

“ residencia.”  He  rendered  liis  accounts  and  came 
out  without  blame  or  censure. 

It  appears  that  about  the  year  1549  the  system  of 
electing  alcaldes  as  governors  was  resumed,  for  in 
that  year  Bishop  Bastidas  thanks  the  emperor,  and 
tells  him  “ the  alcaldes  were  sufficient,  considering 
the  small  population.”  But  in  1550  we  again  find  a 
governor  appointed  by  the  crown  for  five  years,  a 
Doctor  Louis  Vallejo,  from  whose  communications 
describing  the  conditions  of  the  island  we  extract  the 
following:  “ It  is  a pity  to  see  how  the  island  has 
been  ruined  by  the  attacks  of  Frenchmen  and  Caribs. 
The  few  people  that  remain  in  San  German  live  in  the 
worst  possible  places,  in  swamps  surrounded  by  rough 
mountains,  a league  from  the  port.  . . .”  And  on 
the  4th  of  December,  1550:  ‘V  . . The  island  was 
in  a languishing  condition  because  the  mines  gave  out, 
but  now,  with  the  sugar  industry,  it  is  comparatively 
prosperous.  The  people  beg  your  Majesty’s  protec- 
tion.” 

However,  in  October,  1553,  we  find  Bishop 
Alonzo  la  Fuente  and  others  addressing  King  Philip 
II,  and  telling  him  that  “ the  land  is  in  great  distress, 
. . . traffic  has  ceased  for  fear  of  the  corsairs.  . . .” 
The  same  complaints  continue  during  1554  and  1555. 
Then  Vallejo  is  subjected  to  “ residencia  ” by  the  new 
governor,  Estevez,  who,  after  a few  months’  office, 
is  “ residentiated  ” in  his  turn  by  Caraza,  who  had 
been  governor  in  1547. 

After  this  the  chronicles  are  so  scanty  that  not 
even  the  diligent  researches  of  Friar  Abhad’s  com- 
mentator enabled  him  to  give  any  reliable  informa- 

106 


Changes  in  System  of  Government 

tion  regarding  the  government  of  the  island.  It  re- 
mained the  almost  defenseless  point  of  attack  for  the 
nations  with  which  Spain  was  constantly  at  war,  and 
this  small  but  bright  pearl  in  her  colonial  crown  was 
preserved  only  by  fortunate  circumstances  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  other. 


107 


CHAPTER  XVI 


DEFENSELESS  CONDITION  OF  THE  ISLAND CONSTKUCTION 

OF  FOKTIFICATIONS  AND  CIRCUMVALLATION  OF  SAN 
JUAN 

1555-1641 

San  German  disappeared  for  want  of  means  of  de- 
fense, and  if  the  French  privateers  of  the  time  had 
been  aware  that  the  forts  in  San  Juan  were  without 
guns  or  ammunition  it  is  probable  that  this  island 
would  have  become  a French  possession. 

The  defenses  of  the  island  were  constructed  bj  the 
home  authorities  in  a very  dilatory  manner.  Ponce’s 
house  in  Caparra  had  been  fortified  in  a way  so  inef- 
fective that  Las  Casas  said  of  it  that  the  Indians  might 
knock  it  down  butting  their  heads  against  it.  This 
so-called  fort  soon  fell  in  ruins  after  the  transfer  of 
the  capital  to  its  present  site.  There  is  no  information 
of  what  became  of  the  six  “ espingardas  ” (small  ord- 
nance or  hand-guns)  with  which  it  had  been  armed  at 
King  Ferdinand’s  expense.  They  had  probably  been 
transferred  to  San  Juan,  where,  very  likely,  they  did 
good  service  intimidating  the  Caribs. 

In  1527  an  English  ship  came  prowling  about  San 
Juan  bay,  la  Mona,  and  la  Espahola,  and  this  warning 
to  the  Spanish  authorities  was  disregarded,  notwith- 

108 


Inner  harbor,  San  Juan. 


Defenseless  Condition  of  the  Island 


standing  Bias  de  Villasante’s  urgent  request  for  ar- 
tillery and  ammunition. 

After  the  burning  of  San  German  by  a French 
privateer  in  August,  1537,  Yillasante  bought  five 
“ lombardas  ” (another  kind  of  small  ordnance)  for 
the  defense  of  San  Juan.  In  1529  and  1530  both  La 
Gama,  the  acting  governoi’,  and  the  city  ofilcers  rep- 
resented to  the  emperor  the  necessity  of  constructing 
fortifications,  “ because  the  island’s  defenseless  condi- 
tion caused  the  people  to  emigrate.” 

It  appears  that  the  construction  of  the  first  fort 
commenced  about  1533,  for  in  that  year  the  Audi- 
encia  in  la  Espanola  disposed  of  some  funds  for  the 
purpose,  and  Governor  Lando  suggested  the  following 
year  that  if  the  fort  were  made  of  stone  “ it  would  he 
eternal.”  The  suggestion  was  acted  upon  and  a tax 
levied  on  the  people  to  defray  the  expense. 

This  fort  must  have  been  concluded  about  the 
year  1540,  for  in  that  same  year  the  ecclesiastical  and 
the  city  authorities  were  contending  for  the  grant  of 
the  slaves,  carts,  and  oxen  that  had  been  employed, 
the  former  wanting  them  for  the  construction  of  a 
church,  the  latter  for  making  roads  and  bridges. 

This  “ Fortaleza  ” is  the  same  edifice  which,  after 
many  changes,  was  at  last,  and  is  still,  used  as  a guber- 
natorial residence,  the  latest  reconstruction  being  ef- 
fected in  1846.^  As  a fort,  Gonzalez  Fernandez  de 
Oviedo  denounced  it  as  a piece  of  useless  work  which, 

* The  inscription  on  the  upper  front  wall  of  the  building  is: 
“ During  the  reign  of  her  Majesty,  Dona  Isabel  II,  the  Count  of 
Mirasol  being  Captain-General,  Santos  Cortijo,  Colonel  of  Engi- 
neers, reconstructed  this  royal  fort  in  1846.” 

109 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

“ if  it  had  been  constructed  by  blind  men  could  not 
have  been  located  in  a worse  place,”  and  in  harmony 
with  his  advice  a battery  was  constructed  on  the  rocky 
promontory  called  “ the  Morro.” 

San  Juan  had  now  a fort  (1540)  but  no  guns. 
The  crown  officers,  reporting  an  attack  on  Guayama 
by  a French  privateer  in  1541,  again  clamor  for  ar- 
tillery. Treasurer  Castellanos  writes  in  March  and 
June  of  the  same  year:  “ The  artillery  for  this  fort 
has  not  yet  arrived.  How  are  we  to  defend  it?  ” 
Treasurer  Salinas  writes  in  1554:  “ The  French 
have  taken  several  ships.  It  would  have  been  a great 
boon  if  your  Majesty  had  ordered  Captain  Mindi- 
richaga  to  come  here  with  his  four  ships  to  defend 
this  island  and  la  Espafiola.  He  would  have  found 
Frenchmen  in  la  Mona,  where  they  prepare  for  their 
expeditions  and  lay  in  wait.  They  declare  their  in- 
tention to  take  this  island,  and  it  will  be  difficult  for 
us  to  defend  it  without  artillery  or  other  arms.  If 
there  is  anything  in  the  fort  it  is  useless,  nor  is  the 
fort  itself  of  any  account.  It  is  merely  a lodging- 
house.  The  bastion  on  the  Morro,  if  well  constructed, 
could  defend  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  with  6 
pieces.  We  have  60  horsemen  here  with  lances  and 
shields,  but  no  arquebusiers  or  pikemen.  Send  us 
artillery  and  ammunition.” 

The  demand  for  arms  and  ammimition  continued 
in  this  way  till  1555,  when  acting  Governor  Caraza 
reported  that  8 pieces  of  bronze  ordnance  had  been 
planted  on  the  Morro. 

The  existing  fortifications  of  San  Juan  have  all 
been  added  and  extended  at  different  periods.  Father 

110 


Defenseless  Condition  of  the  Island 


Torres  Vargas,  in  his  chronicles  of  San  Juan,  says 
that  the  castle  grounds  of  San  Felipe  del  Morro  were 
laid  out  in  1584.  The  construction  cost  2,000,000 
ducats.^  The  Boqueron,  or  Santiago  fort,  the  fort  of 
the  Canuelo,  and  the  extensions  of  the  Morro  were 
constructed  during  the  administration  of  Gabriel 
Royas  (1599  to  1609).  Governor  Henriquez  began 
the  circumvallation  of  the  city  in  1630,  and  his  suc- 
cessor, Sarmiento,  concluded  it  between  the  years 
1635  and  1641.  Fort  San  Cristobal  was  begun  in 
the  eighteenth  century  and  completed  in  1771.  Some 
fortifications  of  less  importance  were  added  in  the 
nineteenth  century. 

When  Caraza  reported,  in  1555,  that  the  first  steps 
in  the  fortification  of  the  capital  had  been  taken,  the 
West  Indian  seas  swarmed  with  French  privateers, 
and  their  depredations  on  Spanish  commerce  and  ill- 
protected  possessions  continued  till  Philip  II  signed 
the  treaty  of  peace  at  Yervins  in  1598. 

But  before  that,  war  with  England  had  been  de- 
clared, and  a more  formidable  enemy  than  the  French 
was  soon  to  appear  before  the  capital  of  this  much- 
afflicted  island. 


* Ducat,  a coin  struck  by  a duke,  worth,  in  silver,  about 
$1.15,  in  gold,  twice  as  much.  It  was  also  a nominal  money 
worth  eleven  pesetas  and  one  maravedi. 


9 


111 


CHAPTER  XVII 


DEAKe’s  attack  on  SAN  JUAN 
1595 

Of  all  the  English  freebooters  that  preyed  upon 
Spain  and  her  colonies  from  the  commencement  of  the 
war  in  1585  to  the  signing  of  peace  in  1604,  Francis 
Drake  was  the  greatest  scourge  and  the  most  feared. 

Drake  early  distinguished  himself  among  the  fra- 
ternity of  sea-rovers  by  the  boldness  of  his  enterprises 
and  the  intensity  of  his  hatred  of  the  Spaniards. 
When  still  a young  man,  in  1567-’68,  he  was  captain 
of  a small  ship,  the  Judith,  one  of  a fleet  of  slavers 
running  between  the  coast  of  Africa  and  the  W est  In- 
dies, under  the  command  of  John  Hawkyns,  another 
famous  freebooter.  In  the  harbor  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulna  the  Spaniards  took  the  fleet  by  stratagem;  the 
Judith  and  the  Minion,  with  Hawkyns  on  board,  being 
the  only  vessels  that  escaped.  Young  Drake’s  ex- 
periences on  that  occasion  fixed  the  character  of  his 
relations  to  the  Dons  forever  afterward.  He  vowed 
that  they  should  pay  for  all  he  had  suffered  and  all 
he  had  lost. 

At  that  time  the  Spaniards  were  ostensibly  still 
friends  with  England.  To  Drake  they  were  then  and 
always  treacherous  and  forsworn  enemies. 

112 


Drake’s  Attack  on  San  Juan 

In  1570  he  made  a voyage  to  the  West  Indies  in 
a bark  of  forty  tons  with  a private  crew.  In  the 
Chagres  Kiver,  on  the  coast  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  there 
happened  to  be  sundry  barks  transporting  velvets  and 
taffetas  to  the  value  of  40,000  ducats,  besides  gold 
and  silver.  They  were  all  taken. 

Two  years  later  he  made  a most  daring  attempt  to 
take  the  town  of  Xombre  de  Dios,  and  would  proba- 
bly have  succeeded  had  he  not  been  wounded.  He 
fainted  from  loss  of  blood.  His  men  carried  him  back 
on  board  and  suspended  the  attack.  On  his  recovery 
he  met  with  complete  success,  and  returned  to  Plym- 
outh in  1573  with  a large  amount  of  treasure 
openly  tom  from  a nation  with  which  England  was  at 
peace,  arriHng  at  the  very  time  that  Philip’s  am- 
bassador to  Queen  Elizabeth  was  negotiating  a treaty 
of  peace.  Drake  had  no  letters  of  marque,  and  con- 
sequently was  guilty  of  piracy  in  the  eyes  of  the  law, 
the  penalty  for  which  was  hanging.  The  Spaniards 
were  naturally  very  angry,  and  clamored  for  restitu- 
tion or  compensation  and  Drake’s  punishment,  but 
the  queen,  who  shared  the  pirate’s  hatred  of  the  Span- 
iards, sent  him  timely  advice  to  keep  out  of  the  way. 

In  1580  he  returned  from  another  voyage  in  the 
West  Indies,  just  when  a body  of  so-called  papal  vol- 
unteers had  landed  in  Ireland.  They  had  been 
brought  by  a Spanish  officer  in  Spanish  ships,  and 
the  queen,  pending  a satisfactory  explanation,  refused 
to  receive  Mendoza,  the  Spanish  ambassador,  and  hear 
his  complaints  of  Drake’s  piracies.  When  his  ships 
had  been  brought  round  in  the  Thames,  she  visited 
him  on  board  and  conferred  on  him  the  honor  of 

113 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

knighthood.  From  this  time  onward  he  became  a 
servant  of  the  crown.^ 

It  was  this  redoubtable  sea-rover  who,  according 
to  advices  received  early  in  1595,  was  preparing  an  ex- 
pedition in  England  for  the  purpose  of  wresting  her 
West  Indian  possessions  from  Spain.  The  expedition 
was  brought  to  naught,  through  the  disagreements  be- 
tween Drake  and  Ilawkyns,  who  both  commanded  it, 
by  administrative  blunders  and  vexatious  delays  in 
England.  The  Spaniards  were  everywhere  fore- 
warned and  goaded  to  action  by  the  terror  of  Drake’s 
name. 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  island’s  fate,  seeing  its 
defenseless  condition,  would,  no  doubt,  have  been 
sealed  at  that  time  but  for  a most  fortunate  occur- 
rence which  brought  to  its  shores  the  forces  that  en- 
abled it  to  repulse  the  attack.  Acosta’s  annotations 
on  Abbad’s  history  contains  the  following  details  of 
the  events  in  San  Juan  at  the  time: 

“ General  Sancho  Pardo  y Osorio  sailed  from  Ha- 
vana March  10,  1595,  in  the  flagship  of  the  Spanish 
West  Indian  fleet,  to  convoy  some  merchantmen  and 
convey  2,000,000  pesos  in  gold  and  silver,  the  greater 
part  the  property  of  his  Majesty  the  king.  The  flag- 
ship carried  300  men. 

“ On  the  15th,  when  in  the  Bermuda  channel,  a 
storm  separated  the  convoy  from  the  other  ships,  sent 
her  mainmast  overboard,  broke  her  rudder,  and  the 
ship  sprang  aleak.  In  this  condition,  after  a consul- 
tation among  the  officers,  it  was  decided  to  repair  the 

* Drake  and  his  Successors.  The  Edinburgh  Review,  July, 
1901. 


114 


Drake’s  Attack  on  San  Juan 

damage  as  well  as  possible  and  steer  for  Puerto 
Rico,  which  they  reached  on  the  9th  of  April.  The 
treasure  was  placed  in  security  in  the  fort  and  messen- 
gers despatched  to  the  king  to  learn  his  Majesty’s  com- 
mands. 

“ A few  days  later  official  advice  of  the  prepara- 
tions in  England  was  brought  to  the  island  in  a de- 
spatch-boat. Governor  Jiiarez,  General  Sancho,  and 
the  commander  of  the  local  infantry  held  a council,  in 
which  it  w'as  resolved  to  land  the  artillery  from  the 
dismasted  ship  and  sink  her  and  another  vessel  in  the 
channel  at  the  entrance  to  the  harbor,  while  defenses 
should  be  constructed  at  every  point  wffiere  an  enemy 
could  attempt  a landing.  The  plan  was  carried  out  un- 
der the  direction  of  General  Sancho,  who  had  ample 
time,  as  no  enemy  appeared  during  the  next  seven 
months. 

“ On  the  13th  of  November  5 Spanish  frigates  ar- 
rived under  the  command  of  Pedro  Tello  de  Guzman, 
with  orders  from  the  king  to  embark  the  treasure 
forthwith  and  take  it  to  Spain;  but  Tello,  on  his  way 
hither,  had  fallen  in  off  Guadeloupe  with  two  Eng- 
lish small  craft,  had  had  a fight  with  one  of  them, 
sank  it,  and  while  pursuing  the  other  had  come  sud- 
denly in  sight  of  the  whole  fleet,  which  made  him  turn 
about  and  make  his  way  to  Puerto  Rico  before  the 
English  should  cut  him  off.  From  the  prisoners  taken 
from  the  sunken  vessel  he  had  learned  that  the  Eng- 
lish fleet  consisted  of  6 line-of-battle  ships  of  600 
to  800  tons  each,  and  about  20  others  of  different 
sizes,  with  launches  for  landing  troops,  3,000  infantry, 
1,500  mariners,  all  well  armed  and  provided  with  ar- 

115 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

tillery,  bound  direct  for  Puerto  Rico  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sir  Francis  Drake  and  John  Hawkyns. 

“ Tello’s  5 frigates  made  a very  important  addi- 
tion to  the  island’s  defenses.  Part  of  his  men  were 
distributed  among  the  land  forces,  and  his  ships 
anchored  in  the  bay,  just  behind  the  two  sunken 
ships. 

“ All  was  now  ready  for  a determined  resistance. 
General  Sancho  had  charge  of  the  shore  defenses. 
Admiral  Gonzalo  Mendez  de  Cauzo  commanded  the 
forts,  Tello,  with  his  frigates  and  300  men,  defended 
the  harbor.  The  bishop  promised  to  say  a mass  and 
preach  a sermon  every  day,  and  placed  a priest  at 
every  post  to  give  spiritual  aid  where  necessary. 
Lastly,  despatch-boats  were  sent  to  la  Espauola  and 
to  Cuba  to  inform  the  authorities  there  of  the  coming 
danger. 

“ The  defensive  forces  consisted  of  450  men  dis- 
tributed at  different  points  on  shore  with  34  pieces  of 
ordnance  of  small  caliber.  In  the  forts  there  were  36 
pieces,  mostly  bronze  ordnance,  with  the  respective 
contingent  of  men.  On  board  of  Tello’s  frigates 
there  were  300  men. 

“ General  Sancho,  after  an  inspection  of  the  de- 
fenses, assured  the  governor  that  the  island  was  safe 
if  the  men  would  but  fight. 

“ At  daybreak  on  the  2 2d  of  Xovember  the  Eng- 
lish fleet  hove  in  sight.  The  call  to  arms  was  sounded, 
and  everybody,”  says  the  chronicler,  “ ran  joyfully  to 
his  post.”  , 

A caravel  with  some  launches  showing  white  flags 
came  on  ahead,  sounding,  but  on  passing  the  Boque- 

116 


Drake’s  Attack  on  San  Juan 

ron  were  saluted  with  a cannon  shot,  whereupon  they 
withdrew  replacing  the  white  flags  hy  red  ones. 

The  whole  fleet  now  came  to  anchor  in  front  of 
the  “ Caleta  del  Cabron  ” (Goat’s  Creek),  much  to  the 
surprise  of  the  islanders,  who  had  no  idea  that  there 
was  anchoring  ground  at  that  point;  but,  being  within 
range  of  the  3 pieces  of  cannon  on  the  Morrillo  and 
of  the  2 pieces  planted  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek, 
they  were  fired  upon,  with  the  result,  as  became 
known  afterward,  of  considerable  damage  to  the  flag- 
ship and  the  death  of  2 or  3 persons,  among  them 
Hawkyns,  Drake’s  second  in  command. 

This  unexpectedly  warm  reception  made  it  clear 
to  the  English  admiral  that  the  islanders  had  been 
forewarned  and  were  not  so  defenseless  as  they  had 
been  reported.  Some  launches  were  sent  to  take 
soundings  in  the  vicinity  of  Goat  Island,  and  at  5 in 
the  afternoon  the  fleet  lifted  anchor  and  stood  out  to 
sea.  Next  morning  at  8 o’clock  it  returned  and  took 
up  a position  under  the  shelter  of  the  said  island,  out 
of  range  of  the  artillery  on  the  forts. 

More  soundings  were  taken  during  the  day  in  the 
direction  of  Bayamon,  as  far  as  the  Canuelo.  That 
night,  about  10  o’clock,  25  launches,  each  containing 
from  50  to  60  men,  advanced  under  cover  of  the 
darkness  and  attacked  Tello’s  frigates.  The  flames  of 
3 of  the  ships,  which  the  English  succeeded  in  fir- 
ing, soon  lit  up  the  bay  and  enabled  the  artillery  of 
the  3 forts  to  play  with  effect  among  the  crowded 
launches.  The  Spaniards  on  board  Tello’s  ships  suc- 
ceeded in  putting  out  the  fire  on  board  2 of  the  ships, 
the  third  one  was  destroyed. 

117 


The  History  oi  Puerto  Rico 

After  an  hour’s  hard  fighting  and  the  loss  by  the 
English,  as  estimated  by  the  Spanish  chronicler,  of  8 
or  10  launches  and  of  about  400  men,  they  withdrew. 
The  Spanish  loss  that  night  was  40  killed  and  some 
wounded. 

The  next  day  the  English  fleet  stood  out  to  sea 
again,  keeping  to  windward  of  the  harbor,  which  made 
Tello  suspect  that  they  intended  to  return  under  full 
sail  when  the  wind  sprang  up  and  force  their  way  into 
the  harbor.  To  prevent  this,  2 more  ships  and  a 
frigate  were  sunk  across  the  entrance  with  all  they 
had  on  board,  there  being  no  time  to  unload  them. 

As  expected,  the  fleet  came  down  at  4 o’clock  in 
the  afternoon,  but  did  not  try  to  force  an  entrance. 
It  quietly  took  up  the  same  position  between  the 
Morro  and  Goat  Island,  which  it  had  occupied  the  day 
before,  and  this  made  the  Spaniards  think  that  an- 
other night  attack  on  the  3 remaining  frigates  was 
impending.  After  dark  the  frigates  Avere  removed  to 
a place  of  safety  within  the  bay. 

The  night  passed  without  an  alarm.  The  next  day 
the  English  launches  were  busy  all  day  sounding  the 
bay  as  far  as  the  Boqueron,  taking  care  to  keep  out  of 
range  of  the  artillery  on  shore.  Night  came  on  and 
when  next  morning  the  sun  lit  up  the  western  world 
there  was  not  an  enemy  visible.  Drake  had  found  the 
island  too  well  prepared  and  deemed  it  prudent  to 
postpone  the  conquest. 

Two  days  later  news  came  from  Arecibo  that  the 
English  fleet  had  passed  that  port.  A messenger  sent 
to  San  German  returned  six  days  later  with  the  in- 
formation that  the  enemy  had  been  there  four  days 

118 


Drake’s  Attack  on  San  Juan 

taking  in  wood  and  water  and  had  sailed  southward 
on  the  9th  of  December. 

It  is  said  that  when  Drake  afterward  learned 
that  his  abandonment  of  the  conquest  of  Puerto  Eico 
had  made  him  miss  the  chance  of  adding  2,000,000 
pesos  in  gold  and  silver  to  the  Maiden  Queen’s  ex- 
chequer, he  pulled  his  beard  with  vexation. 


119 


CHAPTEK  XVIII 


OCCUPATION  AND  EVACUATION  OF  SAN  JUAN  BY  LORD 

GEORGE  CUMBERLAND CONDITION  OF  THE  ISLAND 

AT  THE  END  OF  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

Puerto  Rico  and  his  Majesty’s  treasure  were  now 
safe.  When  there  was  no  longer  any  fear  of  the  ene- 
my’s return,  haste  was  made  to  reembark  the  money 
and  get  rid  of  General  Sancho  and  Tello  and  their 
men  who  were  fast  consuming  the  island’s  scanty  re- 
sources. 

Two  years  after  Drake’s  ineffectual  attack  on  the 
island  another  English  fleet,  with  a large  body  of 
troops  under  the  orders  of  Lord  George  Cumberland, 
came  to  Puerto  Rico.  A landing  was  effected  at  Can- 
grejos  (the  present  Santurce).  The  bridge  leading  to 
the  capital  was  not  then  fortified,  but  its  passage  was 
gallantl}'^  disputed  by  Governor  Antonio  Mosquera, 
an  old  soldier  of  the  war  in  Elanders.  The  English 
were  far  superior  in  numbers  and  armament,  and  Mos- 
quera had  to  fall  back.  Captain  Serralta,  the  brothers 
John  and  Simon  Sanabria,  and  other  natives  of  the 
island,  greatly  distinguished  themselves  in  this  action. 
The  English  occupied  the  capital  and  the  forts  with- 
out much  more  opposition.  An  epidemic  of  dysen- 
tery and  yellow  fever  carried  off  400  Englishmen  in 

120 


British  Occupation 

less  than  three  months  and  bid  fair  to  exterminate 
the  whole  invading  force,  so  that,  to  save  his  troops, 
the  English  commander  was  obliged  to  evacuate  the 
island,  which  he  did  on  the  23d  of  November.  He 
carried  with  him  70  pieces  of  artillery  of  all  sizes 
which  he  found  in  the  fortifications.  The  city  itself 
he  left  unhurt,  except  that  he  took  the  church-bells 
and  organ  and  carried  off  an  artistically  sculptured 
marble  window  in  one  of  the  houses  which  had  taken 
his  fancy. 

Mr.  Brail  mentions  some  documents  in  the  Indian 
archives  of  Spain,  from  which  it  appears  that  another 
invasion  of  Puerto  Kico  took  place  a year  after  Cum- 
berland’s departure.  On  that  occasion  the  governor 
and  the  garrison  were  carried  off  as  prisoners,  but  as 
there  was  a cruel  epidemic  still  raging  in  the  island 
at  the  time  the  English  did  not  stay. 

The  death  of  Philip  II  (September  13,  1598)  and 
of  his  inveterate  enemy.  Queen  Elizabeth  (March  24, 
1603),  brought  the  war  with  England  to  a close. 
The  ambassador  of  Philip  III  in  London  negotiated  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  James  I,  which  was  signed  and 
ratified  in  the  early  part  of  1604. 

So  ended  the  sixteenth  century  in  Boriquen.  If 
the  dictum  of  Las  Casas,  that  the  island  at  the  cen- 
tury’s beginning  was  “ as  populous  as  a beehive  and 
as  lovely  as  an  orchard,”  was  but  a rhetorical  figure, 
there  is  no  gainsaying  the  fact  that  at  the  time  of 
Ponce’s  landing  it  was  thickly  peopled,  not  only  that 
part  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  hut  the  whole  island, 
with  a comparatively  innocent,  simple,  and  peaceably 
disposed  native  race.  The  end  of  the  century  saw 

121 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

them  no  more.  The  erstwhile  garden  was  an  extensive 
jungle.  The  island’s  history  during  these  hundred 
years  was  condensed  into  the  one  word  “ strife.”  All 
that  the  efforts  of  the  king  and  his  governors  had  been 
able  to  make  of  it  was  a penal  settlement,  a presidio 
with  a population  of  about  400  inhabitants,  white, 
black,  and  mongrel.  The  littoral  was  an  extensive 
hog-  and  cattle-ranch,  with  here  and  there  a patch 
of  sugar-cane;  there  was  no  commerce.^  There  were 
no  roads.  The  people,  morally,  mentally,  and  mate- 
rially poor,  were  steeped  in  ignorance  and  vice. 
Education  there  was  none.  The  very  few  who  as- 
pired to  know,  went  to  la  Espanola  to  obtain  an  edu- 
cation. The  few  spiritual  wants  of  the  people  were 
supplied  by  monks,  many  of  them  as  ignorant  and 
bigoted  as  themselves.  War  and  pestilence  and 
tempest  had  united  to  wipe  the  island  from  the  face 
of  the  earth,  and  the  very  name  of  “ Rich  Port,” 
given  to  it  without  cause  or  reason,  must  have 
sounded  in  the  ears  of  the  inhabitants  as  a bitter 
sarcasm  on  their  wretched  condition. 


^ A precarious  traffic  in  hides  and  ginger  did  not  deserve  the 
name  of  commerce. 


122 


CHAPTER  XIX 


ATTACK  ON  SAN  JUAN  BY  THE  HOLLANDERS  UNDER 
BOWDOIN 
1625 

Holland  emancipated  itself  from  Spanish  domi- 
nation in  1582  and  assumed  the  title  of  “ the  United 
Provinces  of  Xetherland/’  After  nearly  half  a cen- 
tury of  an  unequal  struggle  with  the  most  powerful 
kingdom  in  Europe,  the  people’s  faith  in  final  success 
was  unbounded,  while  Spain  was  growing  weary  of 
the  apparently  interminable  war.  At  this  juncture, 
proposals  for  a suspension  of  hostilities  were  willingly 
entertained  by  both  nations,  and  after  protracted  ne- 
gotiations, a truce  of  twelve  years  was  signed  in 
Bergen-op-Zoom,  April  9,  1609.  In  it  the  absolute 
independence  of  the  United  Provinces  was  recog- 
nized. 

This  gave  the  Spanish  colonies  a welcome  respite 
from  the  ravages  of  privateers  till  1621,  the  first 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  Philip  IV,  when  hostili- 
ties immediately  recommenced.  France  and  England 
both  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Provinces  with 
money  for  the  raising  of  troops,  and  the  wealthy 
merchants  of  Holland,  following  the  example  of  the 
French  merchants  in  the  former  century,  fitted  out 

123 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

fleets  of  privateers  to  prey  upon  the  commerce  and 
colonies  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  first  exploits 
of  these  privateers  were  the  invasion  of  Brazil  and 
the  sacking  of  San  Salvador,  of  Lima  and  Callao 
(1624). 

Puerto  Rico  was  just  beginning  to  recover  from 
the  prostration  in  which  the  last  invasion  had  left  it, 
when  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  September, 
1625,  the  guard  on  San  Felipe  del  Morro  announced 
8 ships  to  windward  of  the  port. 

Juan  de  Haro,  the  governor,  who  had  assumed 
the  command  only  a few  months  before,  mounted  to 
an  outlook  to  observe  them,  and  was  informed  that 
more  ships  could  be  seen  some  distance  down  the 
coast.  He  sent  out  horsemen,  and  they  returned 
about  8 o’clock  at  night  with  the  news  that  they 
had  counted  17  ships  in  all. 

Alarm-bells  were  now  rung  and  some  cannon  fired 
from  the  forts  to  call  the  inhabitants  together.  They 
were  directed  to  the  plaza,  where  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion were  distributed.  During  the  night  the  whole 
city  was  astir  preparing  for  events,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  governor. 

Hext  morning  the  whole  fleet  was  a short  dis- 
tance to  windward.  Lest  a landing  should  be  at- 
tempted at  the  Boqueron  or  at  Goat’s  Creek,  the  two 
most  likely  places,  the  governor  ordered  a cannon  to 
be  planted  at  each  and  trenches  to  be  dug.  In  the 
meantime,  the  people,  who  had  promptly  answered 
the  call  to  arms,  and  the  garrison  were  formed  into 
companies  on  the  plaza  and  received  orders  to  occupy 
the  forts,  marching  first  along  the  shore,  where  the 

124 


Attack  by  Hollanders 

enemy  could  see  them,  so  as  to  make  a great  show  of 
numbers. 

The  artillery  in  the  fort  was  in  bad  condition. 
The  gun-carriages  were  old  and  rotten.  Some  of  the 
pieces  had  been  loaded  four  years  before  and  were  dis- 
mounted at  the  first  firing.  One  of  them  burst  on 
the  sixth  or  seventh  day,  killing  the  gunners  and 
severely  wounding  the  governor,  who  personally 
superintended  the  defense. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  their  arrival  the 
Hollanders  came  down  under  full  sail  “ with  as  much 
confidence,”  says  the  chronicler,  “ as  if  they  were 
entering  a port  in  their  own  country. 

That  night  the  fort  was  pro\dsioned  as  well  as 
the  scanty  resources  of  the  island  permitted.  The 
defenders  numbered  330,  and  the  food  supply  col- 
lected would  not  enable  them  to  stand  a long  siege. 
The  supply  consisted  of  120  loads  of  casabe  bread, 
46  bushels  of  maize,  130  jars  or  jugs  of  olive  oil, 
10  barrels  of  biscuit,  300  island  cheeses,  1 cask  of 
flour,  30  pitchers  of  wine,  200  fowls,  and  150  small 
boxes  of  preserved  fruit  (membrillo). 

Fortunately  during  the  night  50  head  of  cattle 
and  20  horses  were  driven  in  from  the  surrounding 
country. 

From  the  26th  to  the  29th  the  enemy  busied  him- 
self landing  troops,  digging  trenches,  and  planting 
6 pieces  of  cannon  on  a height  called  “ the  Calvary.” 
Then  he  began  firing  at  the  fort,  which  replied,  doing 
considerable  damage. 

At  9 o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  30th,  a drum- 
mer under  a flag  of  truce  presented  himself  before 

125 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

the  castle  with  a letter  addressed  to  the  governor.  It 
was  couched  in  the  following  terms: 

“ Senor  Governor  Don  Juan  Faro,  you  must  be 
well  aware  of  the  reasons  of  our  coming  so  near  and 
of  our  intentions.  Therefore,  I,  Bowdoin  Hendrick, 
general  of  these  forces,  in  the  name  of  the  States 
General  and  of  his  Highness  the  Prince  of  Orange,  do 
hereby  demand  that  you  deliver  this  castle  and  garri- 
son into  our  hands,  which  doing  we  will  not  fail  to 
come  to  terms  with  you.  And  if  not,  I give  you 
notice,  that  from  this  day  forward  we  will  spare 
neither  old  nor  young,  woman  nor  child;  and  to  this 
we  wait  your  answer  in  a few  words. 

“ Bowdoin  Hendrick.” 

To  which  epistle  the  governor  replied: 

“ I have  seen  your  paper,  and  am  surprised  that 
you  should  ask  such  a thing  of  me,  seeing  that  I have 
served  thirteen  years  in  Flanders,  where  I have 
learned  to  value  your  boastings  and  know  what  sieges 
are.  On  the  contrary,  if  you  will  deliver  the  ships 
in  which  you  have  come  to  ms,  I will  let  you  have 
one  to  return  with.  And  these  are  the  orders  of  my 
King  and  Master,  and  none  other,  with  which  I have 
answered  your  paper,  in  the  Castle  of  San  Felipe  del 
!Morro,  the  30th  of  September,  1625. 

“ Juan  de  Haro.” 

The  next  day  a heavy  cannonading  commenced, 
the  Hollanders  firing  over  150  shots  at  the  castle  with 
small  effect.  The  same  day  a Spanish  ship  arrived 

126 


Attack  by  Hollanders 

■with  wine  and  provisions,  but  seeing  the  danger  it 
ran  of  being  taken,  did  not  enter  the  port,  but  steered 
to  la  Espanola,  to  the  great  disappointment  of  the 
people  in  the  fort. 

On  the  4th  of  October  the  governor  ordered  a 
sortie  of  80  men  in  three  parties.  On  the  5th  Cap- 
tain Juan  de  Amezquita  led  another  sortie,  and  so 
between  sorties,  surprises,  night  attacks,  and  mu- 
tual cannonadings  things  continued  till  the  21st  of 
October. 

On  that  day  Bowdoin  sent  another  letter  announc- 
ing his  intention  of  burning  the  city  if  no  understand- 
ing was  arrived  at.  To  which  letter  the  governor 
replied  that  there  was  building  material  enough  in 
the  island  to  construct  another  city,  and  that  he 
wished  the  whole  army  of  Holland  might  be  here  to 
witness  Spanish  bravery. 

Bowdoin  carried  his  threat  into  effect,  and  the 
next  day  over  a hundred  houses  were  burned.  Bishop 
Balbueno’s  palace  and  library  and  the  city  archives 
were  also  destroyed.  To  put  a stop  to  this  wanton 
destruction  Captains  Amezquita  and  Botello  led  a 
sortie  of  200  men.  They  attacked  the  enemy  in 
front  and  rear  with  such  elan  that  they  drove  them 
from  their  trenches  and  into  the  water  in  their  haste 
to  reach  their  launches. 

This,  and  other  remarkable  exploits,  related  by 
the  native  chroniclers,  so  discouraged  the  Hollanders 
that  they  abandoned  the  siege  on  the  2d  of  Novem- 
ber, leaving  behind  them  one  of  their  largest  ships, 
stranded,  and  over  400  dead. 

The  fleet  repaired  to  la  Aguada  to  refit.  Bow- 
10  127 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

doin,  who,  apparently,  was  a better  letter  writer  than 
general,  sent  a third  missive  to  the  governor,  asking 
permission  to  purchase  victuals,  which  was,  of  course, 
flatly  refused. 

The  king  duly  recompensed  the  brave  defenders. 
The  governor  was  made  Chevalier  of  the  Order  of 
Santiago  and  received  a money  grant  of  2,000  ducats. 
Captain  Amezquita  received  1,000  ducats,  and.  was 
later  appointed  Governor  of  Cuba.  Captain  Botello 
also  received  1,000  ducats,  and  others  who  had  distin- 
guished themselves  received  corresponding  rewards. 

Puerto  Rico’s  successful  resistance  to  this  in- 
vasion encouraged  the  belief  that,  provided  the 
mother  country  should  furnish  the  necessary  means 
of  defense,  the  island  would  end  by  commanding 
the  respect  of  its  enemies  and  be  left  unmolested. 
But  the  mother  country’s  wars  with  England,  France, 
and  Holland  absorbed  all  its  attention  in  Europe  and 
consumed  all  its  resources.  The  colonies  remained 
dependent  for  their  defense  on  their  own  efforts,  while 
privateers,  freebooters,  and  pirates  of  the  three  na- 
tions at  war  with  Spain  settled  like  swarms  of  hornets 
in  every  available  island  in  the  West  Indies. 


128 


CHAPTER  XX 


‘DECLINE  OF  SPAIn’s  POWER BUCCANEERS  AND 

FILIBUSTERS 

1625-1780 

The  power  of  Spain  received  its  death-blow  dur- 
ing the  course  of  the  war  with  England.  The  de- 
struction of  the  Armada  and  of  the  fleets  subse- 
quently equipped  by  Philip  II  for  the  invasion  of 
Ireland  were  calamities  from  which  Spain  never 
recovered. 

The  wars  with  almost  every  European  nation  in 
turn,  which  raged  during  the  reigns  of  the  third  and 
fourth  Philips,  swallowed  up  all  the  blood-stained 
treasure  that  the  colonial  governors  could  wring 
from  the  natives  of  the  Xew  World.  The  flower 
of  the  German  and  Italian  legions  had  left  their 
bones  in  the  marshes  of  Holland,  and  Spain,  the 
proudest  nation  in  Europe,  had  been  humiliated  to 
the  point  of  treating  for  peace,  on  an  equal  footing, 
with  a handful  of  rebels  and  recognizing  their  inde- 
pendence. France  had  four  armies  in  the  field 
against  her  (1637).  A fleet  equipped  with  great  sac- 
rifice and  difflculty  was  destroyed  by  the  Hollanders 
in  the  waters  of  Brazil  (1630).  Van  Tromp  anni- 
hilated another  in  the  English  Channel,  consisting  of 

129 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

70  ships,  with  10,000  of  Spain’s  best  troops  on  board. 
Cataluha  was  in  open  revolt  (1640).  The  Italian 
provinces  followed  (1641).  Portugal  fought  and 
achieved  her  emancipation  from  Spanish  rule.  The 
treasury  was  empty,  the  people  starving.  Yet,  while 
all  these  calamities  were  befalling  the  land,  the  king 
and  his  court,  under  the  guidance  of  an  inept  minis- 
ter (the  Duke  of  Olivares),  were  wasting  the  coun- 
try’s resources  in  rounds  of  frivolous  and  immoral 
pleasures,  in  dances,  theatrical  representations,  and 
bull-fights.  The  court  was  corrupt;  vice  and  crime 
were  rampant  in  the  streets  of  Madrid.^ 

Under  such  a regime  the  colonists  were  naturally 
left  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  this,  coupled 
with  the  policy  of  excluding  them  from  all  foreign 
commerce,  justified  Spain’s  enemies  in  seeking  to 
wrest  from  her  the  possessions  from  which  she  drew 
the  revenues  that  enabled  her  to  make  war  on  them. 
Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  and  Hollanders  made  of  the 
Antilles  their  trysting-ground  for  the  purpose  of 
preying  upon  the  common  enemy. 

These  were  the  buccaneers  and  filibusters  of  that 
period,  the  most  lawless  class  of  men  in  an  age  of 
universal  lawlessness,  the  refuse  from  the  seaports  of 
northern  Europe,  as  cruel  miscreants  as  ever  black- 
ened the  pages  of  history. 

The  buccaneers  derived  their  name  from  the  Carib 
word  “ boucan,”  a kind  of  gridiron  on  which,  like  the 
natives,  they  cooked  their  meat,  hence,  bou-can- 

* In  fifteen  days  110  men  and  women  were  assassinated  in  the 
capital  alone,  some  of  them  persons  of  distinction.  Canovas, 
Decadencia  de  Espaila,  Libro  VI. 

130 


Decline  of  Spain’s  Power 

ier.  The  word  filibuster  comes  from  the  Spanish 
“ fee-lee-bote/’  English  “ fly-boat,”  a small,  swift 
sailing-vessel  with  a large  mainsail,  which  enabled  the 
buccaneers  to  pursue  merchantmen  in  the  open  sea 
and  escape  among  the  shoals  and  shallows  of  the 
archipelago  when  pursued  in  their  turn  by  men-of- 
war. 

They  recognized  no  authority,  no  law  but  force. 
They  obeyed  a leader  only  when  on  their  plundering 
expeditions.  The  spoils  were  equally  divided,  the 
captain’s  share  being  double  that  of  the  men.  The 
maimed  in  battle  received  a compensation  proportion- 
ate to  the  injury  received.  The  captains  were  natu- 
rally distinguished  by  the  qualities  of  character  that 
alone  could  command  obedience  from  crews  who 
feared  neither  God  nor  man. 

One  of  the  most  dreaded  among  them  was  a 
Frenchman,  a native  of  Sables  d’Olonne,  hence  called 
I’Olonais.  He  had  been  a prisoner  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  treatment  he  received  at  their  hands  had  filled 
his  soul  with  such  deadly  hatred,  that  when  he  re- 
gained his  liberty  he  swore  a solemn  oath  to  live 
henceforth  for  revenge  alone.  And  he  did.  He 
never  spared  sex  or  age,  and  took  a hellish  pleasure 
in  torturing  his  victims.  He  made  several  descents 
on  the  coast  of  this  island,  burned  Maracaibo,  Puerto 
Cabello,  Veragua,  and  other  places,  and  was  killed  at 
last  by  the  Indians  of  Darien. 

Sir  Henry  Morgan,  a Welsh  aristocrat  turned 
pirate,  was  another  famous  scourge  of  the  Spanish 
colonies.  His  inhuman  treatment  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Puerto  Principe,  in  1668,  is  a matter  of  his- 

131 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

tory.  He  plundered  Porto  Bello,  Chagres,  Panama, 
and  extended  his  depredations  to  the  coast  of  Costa 
Rica.  He  used  to  subject  his  victims  to  torture  to 
make  them  declare  where  they  had  hidden  their  valu- 
ables, and  many  a poor  wretch  who  had  no  valuables 
to  hide  was  ruthlessly  tortured  to  death. 

Pierre  Legrand  was  another  Frenchman  who,  af- 
ter committing  all  kinds  of  outrages  in  the  West  In- 
dies, passed  with  his  robber  crew  to  the  Pacific  and 
scoured  the  coasts  as  far  as  California. 

The  atrocities  committed  by  a certain  Montbras, 
of  Languedoc,  earned  him  the  name  of  “ the  Exter- 
minator.” 

When  the  first  buccaneers  made  their  appearance 
in  the  Antilles  (1520),  the  Windward  Islands  were 
still  occupied  by  the  Caribs.  Here  they  formed  tem- 
porary settlements,  which,  by  degrees,  grew  into  per- 
manent pirates’  nests.  In  some  of  these  islands  they 
found  large  herds  of  cattle,  the  progeny  of  the  first 
few  heads  introduced  by  the  early  Spanish  colonists, 
who  afterward  abandoned  them.  In  1625  a party  of 
English  and  French  occupied  the  island  San  Cristo- 
bal. Four  years  later  Puerto  Rico,  being  well  garri- 
soned at  the  time,  the  governor,  Enrique  Henriquez, 
fitted  out  an  expedition  to  dislodge  them,  in  which  he 
succeeded  only  to  make  them  take  up  new  quarters 
in  Antigua. 

The  next  year  the  French  and  English  buccaneers 
who  occupied  the  small  island  of  Tortuga  made  a 
descent  upon  the  western  part  of  la  Espanola,  called 
Haiti  by  the  natives  (mountainous  land),  and  main- 

132 


Decline  of  Spain’s  Power 

tained  themselves  there  till  that  part  of  the  island 
was  ceded  to  France  by  the  treaty  of  Kyswyk,  in 
1697. 

Spain  equipped  a fleet  to  clear  the  West  Indies 
from  pirates  in  1630,  and  placed  it  under  the  com- 
mand of  Don  Federico  de  Toledo.  He  was  met  in 
the  neighborhood  of  San  Cristobal  by  a numerous 
fleet  of  small  craft,  which  had  the  advantage  over 
the  unwieldy  Spanish  ships  in  that  they  could  maneu- 
ver with  greater  rapidity  and  precision.  There  are 
no  reliable  details  of  the  result  of  the  engagement. 
Abbad  tells  us  that  the  Spaniards  were  victorious, 
but  the  buccaneers  continued  to  occupy  all  the  islands 
which  they  had  occupied  before. 

In  1634  they  took  possession  of  Curagao,  Aruba, 
and  Bonaire,  near  the  coast  of  Venezuela,  and  es- 
tablished themselves  in  1638  in  San  Eustaquio, 
Saba,  San  Martin,  and  Santa  Cruz. 

In  1640  the  Governor  of  Puerto  Rico  sought  to 
expel  them  from  the  last-named  island.  He  defeated 
them,  killing  many  and  taking  others  prisoners; 
but  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  Puerto  Rico  the  Hol- 
landers from  San  Eustaquio  and  San  Martin  reoc- 
cupied Santa  Cruz,  and  he  was  compelled  to  equip 
another  expedition  to  dislodge  them,  in  \vhich  he 
was  completely  successful.  This  time  he  left  a 
garrison,  but  in  the  same  year  the  French  com- 
mander, Poincy,  came  with  a strong  force  and  com- 
pelled the  garrison  to  capitulate.  The  island  re- 
mained a French  possession  under  the  name  of 
Saint  Croix  until  it  was  sold  to  Denmark,  in  1733, 
for  $150,000. 


133 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Another  expedition  set  out  from  Puerto  Rico  in 
1650,  to  oust  the  French  and  Hollanders  from  San 
Martin.  The  Spaniards  destroyed  a fort  that  had 
been  constructed  there,  but  as  soon  as  they  returned 
to  this  island  the  pirates  reoccupied  their  nest.  In 
1657  an  Englishman  named  Cook  came  with  a suf- 
ficient force  and  San  Martin  became  an  English  pos- 
session. 

About  1665  the  French  Governor  of  Tortuga, 
Beltran  Ogeron,  planned  the  conquest  of  Puerto  Rico. 
He  appeared  off  the  coast  with  3 ships,  but  one  of 
the  hurricanes  so  frequent  in  these  latitudes  came  to 
the  island’s  rescue.  The  ships  were  stranded,  and  the 
surviving  Frenchmen  made  prisoners.  Among  them 
was  Ogeron  himself,  but  his  men  shielded  him  by 
saying  that  he  was  drowned.  On  the  march  to  the 
capital  he  and  his  ship’s  surgeon  managed  to  escape, 
and,  after  killing  the  owner  of  a fishing-smack,  re- 
turned to  Tortuga,  where  he  immediately  commenced 
preparations  for  another  invasion  of  Puerto  Rico. 
IVhen  he  came  back  he  was  so  well  received  by  the 
armed  peasantry  (jibaros)  that  he  was  forced  to  re- 
embark. 

From  this  time  to  1679  several  expeditions  were 
fitted  out  in  San  Juan  to  drive  the  filibusters  from 
one  or  another  of  the  islands  in  the  neighborhood.  In 
1680  a fleet  was  equipped  with  the  object  of  defi- 
nitely destroying  all  the  pirates’  nests.  The  greater 
part  of  the  garrison,  all  the  Puerto  Ricans  most  dis- 
tinguished for  bravery,  intelligence,  and  experience, 
took  part  in  the  expedition.  The  fleet  was  accom- 
panied by  the  Spanish  battle-ship  Carlos  V,  which  car- 

134 


Decline  of  Spain’s  Power 

ried  50  cannon  and  500  men.  Of  this  expedition  not 
a soul  returned.  It  was  totally  destroyed  by  a hurri- 
cane, and  the  island  was  once  more  plunged  in  mourn- 
ing, ruin,  and  poverty,  from  which  it  did  not  emerge 
till  nearly  a century  later. 


135 


CHAPTER  XXI 


BRITISH  ATTACKS  ON  PUERTO  RICO SIEGE  OF  SAN  JUAN 

BY  SIR  RALPH  ABERCROMBIE 

1678-1797 

The  entente  cordiale  wliich  had  existed  between 
England  under  Charles  I and  Spain  under  Philip  IV 
ceased  with  the  tragic  death  of  the  first-named  mon- 
arch.^ 

Immediately  after  Cromwell’s  elevation  both 
France  and  Spain  made  overtures  for  an  alliance 
with  England.  But  the  Protector  well  knew  that 
in  the  event  of  war  with  either  power,  Spain’s  colonies 
and  treasure-laden  galleons  offered  a better  chance 
for  obtaining  booty  than  the  poor  possessions  of 
France.  He  favored  an  alliance  with  Louis  XIV,  and 
ended  by  signing  a treaty  with  him  in  1657. 

The  first  result  of  the  hostilities  that  ensued 
was  the  capture  by  the  English  Admirals  Blake  and 
Stayner  of  several  richly  laden  galleons. 

From  that  time  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury England’s  attempts  to  secure  the  two  most- 
coveted  Antilles  (Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico)  continued 
with  short  intervals  of  peace. 


* He  was  decapitated  February  9,  1649. 
136 


Siege  of  San  Juan 

In  1678  an  English  fleet  of  22  ships,  with  a land- 
ing force  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Estren, 
appeared  before  San  Juan  and  demanded  its  surren- 
der. Before  a formal  attack  could  be  made  a furious 
hurricane  wrecked  the  fleet  on  Bird  Island,  and  every- 
body on  board  perished  excepting  a few  soldiers  and 
marines,  who  escaped  a watery  grave  only  to  be  made 
prisoners.^ 

It  is  certain,  however,  that  on  August  5,  1702, 
an  English  brigantine  and  a sloop  came  to  Arecibo 
and  landed  30  men,  who  were  forced  to  reembark 
with  considerable  loss,  though  the  details  of  this 
affair,  as  given  by  Friar  Abbad,  and  repeated  by 
!Mr.  Heuman,  are  evidently  largely  drawn  from  im- 
agination. 

In  September  of  the  following  year  (1703)  there 
were  landings  of  Englishmen  near  Loiza  and  in  the 
neighborhood  of  San  German,  of  which  we  know 
only  that  they  were  stoutly  opposed;  and  we  learn 
from  an  official  document  that  there  was  another 
landing  at  Boca  Chica  on  the  south  coast  in  1743, 
when  the  English  were  once  more  obliged  to  re- 
embark with  the  loss  of  a pilot-boat. 

These  incessant  attacks,  not  on  Puerto  Rico 
only,  but  on  all  the  other  Spanish  possessions,  and 
the  reprisals  they  provoked,  created  such  animosity 
between  the  people  of  both  countries  that  hostilities 
had  practically  commenced  before  the  declaration  of 
war  (October  23,  1739).  In  E’ovember  Admiral  Ver- 

* So  says  Abbad.  No  mention  is  made  of  this  episode  in  Sefior 
Acosta’s  notes,  nor  is  the  name  of  Earl  Estren  to  be  found  among 
those  of  the  British  commanders  of  that  period. 

137 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

non  was  already  in  the  Antilles  with  a large  fleet. 
He  took  Porto  Bello,  laid  siege  to  Cartagena,  but 
was  forced  to  withdraw;  then  he  made  an  ineffectual 
attack  ou  Cuba,  after  which  he  passed  round  Cape 
Horn  into  the  Pacific,  caused  great  consternation  in 
Chile,  sacked  and  burned  Payta,  captured  the  galleon 
Covadonga  with  a cargo  worth  $1,500,000,  and  finally 
returned  to  England  with  a few  ships  only  and  less 
than  half  his  men. 

The  next  war  between  the  two  nations  was  the 
result  of  the  famous  Bourbon  family  compact,  and 
lasted  from  1761  to  1763. 

Two  powerful  fleets  sailed  from  England  for  the 
Antilles;  the  one  under  the  orders  of  Admiral  Rod- 
ney attacked  the  French  colonies  and  took  Martinique, 
Granada,  Santa  Lucia,  San  Vicente,  and  Tabago; 
the  other  under  Admiral  Pocock  appeared  before 
Havana,  June  2, 1762,  with  a fleet  of  30  line-of-battle 
ships,  100  transports,  and  14,000  landing  troops  un- 
der the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Albemarle.  In  four 
days  the  English  took  ‘‘  la  Cabana,”  which  Prado,  the 
governor,  considered  the  key  to  the  city.  For  some 
unexplained  reason  the  Spanish  fleet  became  useless; 
but  Captain  Louis  Velasco  defended  the  Morro,  and 
for  two  months  and  ten  days  he  kept  the  English  at 
bay,  till  they  undermined  the  walls  of  the  fort  and 
blew  them  up.  Then  Prado  capitulated  (August  13), 
and  Havana  with  its  forts  and  defenses,  with  60 
leagues  of  territory  to  the  west  of  the  city,  with 
$15,000,000,  an  immense  quantity  of  naval  and  mili- 
tary stores,  9 line-of-battle  ships  and  3 frigates,  was 
delivered  into  Albemarle’s  hands. 

138 


Siege  of  San  Juan 

It  was  Puerto  Rico’s  turn  next,  and  preparations 
were  made  for  an  attack,  when  the  signing  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  in  Paris  (February,  1763)  averted 
the  imminent  danger. 

By  the  stipulations  of  that  treaty  England  re- 
turned Havana  and  Manila  ^ to  Spain  in  exchange  for 
Florida  and  some  territories  on  the  Mississippi;  she 
also  returned  to  France  part  of  her  conquered  pos- 
sessions. 

In  1778  Charles  III  joined  France  in  a war 
against  England,  the  motives  for  which,  as  explained 
by  the  king’s  minister,  were  frivolous  in  the  extreme. 
The  real  reason  was  England’s  refusal  to  admit  Spain 
as  mediator  in  the  differences  with  her  FTorth  Ameri- 
can colonies.  This  war  lasted  till  1783,  and  though 
the  Antilles,  as  usual,  became  the  principal  scene  of 
war,  Puerto  Rico  happily  escaped  attack. 

Hot  so  during  the  hostilities  that  broke  out  anew 
in  consequence  of  Charles  IV’s  offensive  and  defen- 
sive alliance  with  the  French  Republic,  signed  in  San 
Ildefonso  on  the  18th  of  August,  1796. 

In  February,  1797,  Admiral  Henry  Harvey, 
with  60  ships,  including  transports  and  small  craft, 
and  from  6,000  to  7,000  troops  under  the  orders  of 
Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie,  appeared  before  the  island  of 
Trinidad  and  took  possession  of  it  with  but  little  re- 
sistance from  the  Spanish  garrison.  On  the  17th  of 
April  the  whole  fleet  appeared  before  San  Juan. 

The  capital  was  well  prepared  for  defense.  The 
forts,  as  now  existing,  were  completed,  and  the  city 


* Manila  was  taken  in  October,  1762. 
139 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

surrounded  by  a wall  the  strength  of  which  may  be 
estimated  by  the  appearance  of  the  parts  still  intact. 
On  these  defenses  376  pieces  of  cannon  of  different 
caliber  were  planted,  besides  35  mortars,  4 howitzers, 
and  3 swivel  guns.  The  garrison  was  reduced  to  about 
200  men,  part  of  the  troops  having  been  sent  to  la 
Espanola  to  quell  the  insurrection  of  the  negro  popu- 
lation led  by  Toussaint  L’Ouverture.  There  were, 
besides  these  200  veteran  troops,  4,000  militiamen, 
about  2,000  men  from  the  towns  in  the  interior 
(urbanos)  armed  with  lances  and  machetes,  12  gun- 
boats and  several  French  privateers,  the  crews  of 
which  numbered  about  300. 

Abercrombie  landed  on  the  18th  at  Cangrejos 
(Santurce)  with  3,000  men,  and  demanded  the  sur- 
render of  the  city.  Governor  Castro,  in  polite  but 
energetic  language,  refused,  and  hostilities  com- 
menced. For  the  next  thirteen  days  there  were  skir- 
mishes and  more  or  less  serious  encounters  on  land 
and  sea.  On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  May  the 
defenders  of  the  city  were  preparing  a general  attack 
on  the  English  lines,  when,  lo!  the  enemy  had  reem- 
barked during  the  night,  leaving  behind  his  spiked 
guns  and  a considerable  quantity  of  stores  and  am- 
munition. 

The  people  ascribed  this  unexpected  deliverance 
from  their  foes  to  the  miraculous  intervention  of  the 
Virgin,  but  the  real  reason  for  the  raising  of  the  siege 
was  the  strength  of  the  fortifications.  “ inioever  has 
viewed  these  fortifications,”  says  Colonel  Flinter,^ 


* An  Account  of  Puerto  Rico.  London,  1834. 
140 


Fori  San  (iuronimo,  aL  Sant iiiva,  nuar  San  .Jnaii. 


Siege  of  San  Juan 

“ must  feel  surprised  that  the  English  with  a force 
of  less  than  5,000  men  should  lay  siege  to  the  place, 
a force  not  sufficient  for  a single  line  along  the  coast 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  bay  to  prevent  provisions 
from  being  sent  to  the  garrison  from  the  surrounding 
country.  Sir  Ralph’s  object  in  landing,  surely,  could 
only  have  been  to  try  whether  he  could  surprise  or 
intimidate  the  scanty  garrison.  Had  he  not  reem- 
harked  very  soon,  he  would  have  had  to  repent  his 
temerity,  for  the  shipping  could  not  safely  remain 
at  anchor  where  there  was  no  harbor  and  where  a 
dangerous  coast  threatened  destruction.  His  com- 
munication with  the  country  was  cut  off  by  the  armed 
peasantry,  who  rose  en  masse,  and  to  the  number  of 
not  less  than  20,000  threw  themselves  into  the  for- 
tress in  less  than  a week  after  the  invasion,  so  that 
the  British  forces  would,  most  undoubtedly,  have 
been  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion  had  the  com- 
mander not  effected  a timely  retreat.” 

The  enemy’s  retreat  was  celebrated  with  a solemn 
Te  Deum  in  the  cathedral,  at  which  the  governor, 
the  municipal  authorities,  and  all  the  troops  assisted. 
The  municipality  addressed  the  king,  giving  due  cred- 
it to  the  brilliant  military  qualities  displayed  during 
the  siege  by  the  governor  and  his  officers.  The  gov- 
ernor was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  field-marshal  and 
the  officers  correspondingly.  To  the  municipality  the 
privilege  was  granted  to  encircle  the  city’s  coat  of 
arms  with  the  words:  ‘‘For  its  constancy,  love,  and 
fidelity,  this  city  is  yclept  very  noble  and  very  loyal.” 


141 


CHAPTER  XXII 


BEITISH  ATTACKS  ON  PUERTO  RICO  (continued) — INVA- 
SIONS BY  COLOMBIAN  INSURGENTS 
1797-1829 

The  raising  of  the  siege  of  San  Juan  by  Aber- 
crombie did  not  raise  at  the  same  time  the  blockade  of 
the  island.  Communications  with  the  metropolis 
were  cut  off,  and  the  remittances  from  Mexico  which, 
under  the  appellation  of  “ situados,”  constituted  the 
only  means  of  carrying  on  the  Government,  were  sus- 
pended.^ In  San  J nan  the  garrison  was  kept  on  half 
pay,  provisions  were  scarce,  and  the  influx  of  immi- 
grants from  la  Espanola,  where  a bloody  civil  war 
raged  at  the  time,  increased  the  consumption  and  the 
price.  The  militia  corps  was  disbanded  to  prevent 
serious  injury  to  the  island’s  agricultural  interests, 
although  English  attacks  on  different  points  of  the 
coast  continued,  and  kept  the  inhabitants  in  a state  of 
constant  fear  and  alarm. 

In  December,  1797,  an  English  three-decker  and 
a frigate  menaced  Aguadilla,  but  an  attempt  at  land- 
ing was  repulsed.  Another  attempt  to  land  was  made 
at  Guayanilla  with  the  same  result,  and  in  June,  1801, 


' They  ceased  altogether  in  1810,  as  a result  of  the  revolution 
in  Mexico. 


142 


Invasions  by  Colombian  Insurgents 

Guayanilla  was  again  attacked.  This  time  an  Eng- 
lish frigate  sent  several  launches  full  of  men  ashore, 
but  they  were  beaten  oif  by  the  people,  who,  armed 
only  with  lances  and  machetes,  pursued  them  into  the 
water,  “ swimming  or  wading  up  to  their  necks,”  says 
Mr.  i^eiiman.^ 

From  1801  to  1808  England’s  navy  and  English 
privateers  pursued  both  French  and  Spanish  ships 
with  dogged  pertinacity.  In  August,  1803,  British 
privateers  boarded  and  captured  a French  frigate  in 
the  port  of  Salinas  in  this  island.  Four  Spanish 
homeward-bound  frigates  fell  into  their  hands  about 
the  same  time.  Another  English  frigate  captured  a 
French  privateer  in  what  is  now  the  port  of  Ponce 
(November  12,  1804)  and  rescued  a British  craft 
which  the  privateer  had  captured.  Even  the  negroes 
of  Haiti  armed  seven  privateers  under  British  aus- 
pices and  preyed  upon  the  French  and  Spanish  mer- 
chant ships  in  these  Antilles. 

Governor  Castro,  during  the  whole  of  his  period 
of  service,  had  vainly  importimed  the  home  Govern- 
ment for  money  and  arms  and  ships  to  defend  this 
island  against  the  ceaseless  attacks  of  the  English. 
When  he  handed  over  the  command  to  his  successor, 
Field-Marshal  Toribio  Montes,  in  1804,  the  treasury 
was  empty.  He  himself  had  long  ceased  to  draw  his 
salary,  and  the  money  necessary  to  attend  to  the  most 
pressing  needs  for  the  defense  was  obtained  by  con- 
tributions from  the  inhabitants. 

While  the  people  of  Puerto  Rico  were  thus  giving 


* Benefactores  and  Hombres  Illustres  de  Puerto  Rico,  p.  289. 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

proofs  of  their  loyalty  to  Spain,  and  sacrificing  their 
lives  and  property  to  preserve  their  poverty-stricken 
island  to  the  Spanish  crown,  the  other  colonies,  rich 
and  important,  were  breaking  the  bonds  that  united 
them  to  the  mother  country. 

The  example  of  the  English  colonies  had  long 
since  awakened  among  the  more  enlightened  class  of 
creoles  on  the  continent  a desire  for  emancipation, 
which  the  events  in  France  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
ill-advised,  often  cruel  measures  adopted  by  the  Span- 
ish authorities  to  quench  that  aspiration,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  only  served  to  make  irresistible.  But 
Puerto  Rico  did  not  aspire  to  emancipation.  It  never 
had  been  a colony,  there  was  no  creole  class,  and  the 
only  indigenous  population — the  “ jibaros,”  the  mixed 
descendants  of  Indians,  negroes,  and  Spaniards — w’ere 
too  poor,  too  illiterate,  too  ignorant  of  everything 
concerning  the  outside  world  to  look  with  anything 
but  suspicion  upon  the  invitations  of  the  insurgents 
of  Colombia  and  Venezuela  to  join  them  or  imitate 
their  example.  They,  nor  the  great  majority  of  the 
masses  whom  Bolivar,  San  Martin,  Hidalgo,  and  oth- 
ers liberated  from  an  oppressive  yoke,  cared  little  for 
the  rights  of  man.  When  the  Colombian  insurgents 
landed  on  the  coast  of  Puerto  Rico,  to  encourage  and 
assist  the  people  to  shake  ofi  a yoke  which  did  not  gall 
them,  they  w'ere  looked  upon  by  the  natives  as  free- 
booters of  another  class  who  came  to  plunder  them. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1819,  an  insurgent 
brigantine  and  a sloop  attempted  a landing  at  Agua- 
dilla.  They  were  beaten  back  by  a Spanish  sergeant 
at  the  head  of  a detachment  of  twenty  men,  while  a 

144 


Invasions  by  Colombian  Insurgents 

Mr.  Domeneck  ■witli  his  servants  attended  to  the 
artillery  in  Fort  San  Carlos,  constructed  during  Cas- 
tro’s administration.  In  February,  1825,  some  insur- 
gent ships  landed  fifty  marines  at  night  near  Point 
Boriquen,  where  the  lighthouse  now  is.  They  cap- 
tured the  fort  by  surprise  and  dismounted  the  guns, 
but  the  people  of  Aguadilla  replaced  them  on  their 
carriages  the  next  day  and  offered  such  energetic  re- 
sistance to  the  landing  parties  that  they  had  to 
retreat. 

Another  landing  was  effected  at  Patillas  in  No- 
vembei’,1829.  This  port  was  opened  to  commerce  by 
royal  decree  December  30,  1821.  There  were  several 
small  trading  craft  in  the  port  at  the  time  of  the 
attack.  They  fell  a prey  to  the  invaders;  but  when 
they  landed  they  were  met  by  the  armed  inhabitants, 
and  after  a sharp  fight,  in  which  the  Colombians  had 
8 men  killed,  they  reembarked. 

The  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  found 
Spain  deprived  of  all  that  beautiful  island  world 
which  Columbus  had  laid  at  the  foot  of  the  throne  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabel  four  centuries  ago,  of  all  but 
a part  of  the  “ Espanola,”  since  called  Santo  Do- 
mingo, and  of  the  two  Antilles.  Before  the  first 
quarter  of  the  century  had  passed  all  the  continental 
colonies  had  broken  the  bonds  that  united  them  to  the 
mother  country,  and  before  the  twentieth  century 
the  last  vestiges  of  the  most  extensive  and  the  richest 
colonial  empire  ever  possessed  by  any  nation  refused 
further  allegiance,  as  the  logical  result  of  four  cen- 
turies of  political,  religious,  and  financial  myopia. 

145 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


REVIEW  OF  THE  SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  IN  PUERTO  RICO  AND 
THE  POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  SPAIN  FROM  1765  TO  1820 

After  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  Peru  with  their 
apparently  inexhaustible  mineral  wealth,  Spain  at- 
tached very  little  importance  to  the  archipelago  of 
the  Antilles.  The  largest  and  finest  only  of  these 
islands  were  selected  for  colonization,  the  small  and 
comparatively  sterile  ones  were  neglected,  and  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  pirates  and  privateers. 

Puerto  Rico,  notwithstanding  its  advantages  of 
soil  and  situation,  was-  considered  for  the  space  of 
three  centuries  only  as  a fit  place  of  banishmmit 
(a  presidio)  for  the  malefactors  of  the  mother 
country.  Agriculture  did  not  emerge  from  primitive 
simplicity.  The  inhabitants  led  a pastoral  life,  cul- 
tivating food  barely  sufficient  for  their  support, 
because  there  was  no  stimulus  to  exertion.  They 
looked  passively  upon  the  riches  centered  in  their 
soil,  and  rocked  themselves  to  sleep  in  their  ham- 
mocks. The  commerce  carried  on  scarcely  deserved 
that  name.  The  few  wants  of  the  people  were  sup- 
plied by  a contraband  trade  with  St.  Thomas  and 
Santa  Cruz.  In  the  island’s  finances  a system  of 
fraud  and  peculation  prevailed,  and  the  amount  of 

146 


Social  Conditions 


public  revenue  was  so  inadequate  to  meet  the  ex- 
penses of  maintaining  the  garrison  that  the  officers’ 
and  soldiers’  pay  was  reduced  to  one-fourth  of  its  just 
amount,  and  they  often  received  only  a miserable 
ration. 

His  Excellency  Alexander  O’Reilly,  who  came  to 
the  Antilles  on  a commission  from  Charles  IV,  in  his 
report  on  Puerto  Rico  (1765)  gives  the  following 
description  of  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants  at  that 
time: 

“ To  form  an  idea  of  how  these  natives  have 
lived  and  still  live,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  there  are 
only  two  schools  in  the  whole  island;  that  outside  of 
the  capital  and  San  German  few  know  how  to  read; 
that  they  count  time  by  changes  in  the  Government, 
hurricanes,  visits  from  bishops,  arrivals  of  ‘ situados,’ 
etc.  They  do  not  know  what  a league  is.  Each  one 
reckons  distance  according  to  his  own  speed  in  trav- 
eling. The  principal  ones  among  them,  including 
those  of  the  capital,  when  they  are  in  the  country  go 
barefooted  and  barelegged.  The  whites  show  no 
reluctance  at  being  mixed  up  with  the  colored  popu- 
lation. In  the  towns  (the  capital  included)  there  are 
few  permanent  inhabitants  besides  the  curate;  the 
others  are  always  in  the  country,  except  Sundays  and 
feast-days,  when  those  living  near  to  where  there  is  a 
church  come  to  hear  mass.  During  these  feast-days 
they  occupy  houses  that  look  like  hen-coops.  They 
consist  of  a couple  of  rooms,  most  of  them  without 
doors  or  windows,  and  therefore  open  day  and  night. 
Their  furniture  is  so  scant  that  they  can  move  in  an 
instant.  The  country  houses  are  of  the  same  descrip- 

147 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

tion.  There  is  little  distinction  among  the  people. 
The  only  diflPerence  between  them  consists  in  the  pos- 
session of  a little  more  or  less  property,  and,  perhaps, 
the  rank  of  a subaltern  officer  in  the  militia.” 

Abbad  makes  some  suggestions  for  increasing 
the  population.  He  proposes  the  distribution  of  the 
unoccupied  lands  among  the  “ agregados  ” or  idle 
“ hangers-on  ” of  each  family;  among  the  convicts 
Avho  have  served  out  their  time  and  can  not  or  will  not 
return  to  the  Peninsula;  among  the  freed  slaves, 
who  have  purchased  their  own  freedom  or  have  been 
manumitted  by  their  masters;  and,  finally,  among  the 
great  number  of  individuals  who,  having  deserted 
from  ships  or  being  left  behind,  wandered  about 
from  place  to  place  or  became  contrabandists,  pirates, 
or  thieves. 

“ Their  numbers  are  so  small  and  the  soil  so  fruit- 
ful they  generally  have  an  abundance  of  bananas, 
maize,  beans,  and  other  food.  Fish  is  abundant,  and 
few  are  without  a cow  or  two.  The  only  furniture 
they  have  and  need  is  a hammock  and  a cooking-pot. 
Plates,  spoons,  jugs,  and  basins  they  make  of  the 
bark  of  the  ‘ totumo,’  a tree  which  is  found  in  every 
forest.  A saber  or  a ‘ machete,’  as  they  call  it,  is 
the  only  agricultural  implement  they  use.  The  con- 
struction of  their  houses  does  not  occupy  them  more 
than  a day  or  two.” 

The  good  friar  goes  on  to  tell  us  that,  through  in- 
dolence, they  have  not  even  learned  from  the  Indians 
how  to  protect  their  plantations  from  the  fierce  heat 
of  the  sun  and  avoid  consequent  failure  of  crops  in 
time  of  drought,  by  making  the  plantations  in  clear- 

148 


Social  Conditions 


ings  in  the  forest,  so  that  the  surrounding  walls  of 
verdure  may  give  moisture  and  shade  to  the  plants. 
“ Xor  have  they  learned  to  build  their  bohios  (huts) 
to  windward  of  swamps  or  clearings  to  avoid  the 
fever-laden  emanations.” 

The  stirring  events  in  Europe  that  marked  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth centuries  did  not  find  these  conditions  much 
changed,  though  some  advance  had  been  made  and 
was  being  made  in  spite  of  the  prohibitive  measures 
of  the  Government,  which  were  well  calculated  to 
check  all  advance.  To  prevent  the  spread  of  the 
ideas  that  had  given  birth  to  the  French  Kevolution, 
absolute  powers  were  granted  to  the  captains-general, 
odious  restrictions  were  placed  upon  all  communica- 
tion with  the  interior,  sacrifices  in  men  and  money 
were  demanded  on  the  plea  of  patriotism,  and  a policy 
of  suspicion  and  distrust  adopted  toward  the  colonies 
which  in  the  end  fomented  the  very  political  aspira- 
tions it  was  intended  to  suppress. 

From  the  outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution, 
Spain  was  entangled  in  a maze  of  political  difiiculties. 
The  natural  sympathy  of  Charles  IV  for  the  unfor- 
tunate King  of  France  well-nigh  provoked  hostilities 
between  the  two  nations  from  the  very  beginning. 
The  king  gave  public  expression  to  his  opinion  that  to 
make  war  on  France  was  as  legitimate  as  to  make  war 
on  pirates  and  bandits;  and  the  Directory,  though  it 
took  little  notice  at  the  time,  remembered  it  when 
Godoy,  the  favorite,  in  his  endeavors  to  save  the 
lives  of  Louis  XVI  and  his  family  entered  into  cor- 

149 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

respondence  with  the  French  emigres.  Then  war  was 
declared. 

The  w^ar  was  popular.  All  classes  contended  to 
make  the  greatest  sacrifices  to  aid  the  Government. 
Men  and  money  came  in  abundantly,  and  before  long 
three  army  corps  crossed  the  Pyrenees  into  French 
territory.  . . . They  had  to  recross  the  next  year, 
followed  by  the  victorious  soldiers  of  the  Republic, 
who  planted  the  tricolor  on  some  of  the  principal 
Spanish  frontier  fortresses.  Then  the  peace  of  Basilia 
was  signed,  and,  as  one  of  the  conditions  of  that  peace, 
Spain  ceded  to  France  the  part  she  still  held  of  Santo 
Domingo. 

From  this  period  Charles,  in  the  terror  inspired 
by  the  excesses  of  the  Revolution  and  the  probable 
fear  for  his  own  safety,  forgot  that  he  was  a Bour- 
bon and  began  to  seek  an  alliance  with  the  execu- 
tioners of  his  family.  As  a result,  the  treaty  of  San 
Ildefonso  was  signed  (1796).  Spain  became  the 
enemy  of  England,  and  the  first  effects  thereof 
which  she  experienced  were  the  bombardment 
of  Cadiz  by  an  English  fleet,  the  loss  of  the  island 
of  Trinidad,  and  the  siege  of  Puerto  Rico  by  Aber- 
crombie. 

Spain  also  became  the  willing  vassal,  rather  than 
the  ally,  of  the  military  genius  whom  the  French 
Revolution  had  revealed,  and  obeyed  his  mandates 
without  a murmur.  In  1803  Xapoleon  demanded  a 
subsidy  of  6,000,000  francs  per  month  as  the  price 
of  Spain’s  neutrality,  but  in  the  following  year  he 
insisted  on  the  renewal  of  the  alliance  against  Eng- 
land (treaty  of  Paris,  1804).  The  total  destruction 

150 


Social  Conditions 


of  the  Spanish  fleet  at  the  battles  of  Saint  Vincent 
and  Trafalgar  was  the  result. 

Godoy,  who  in  his  ambitious  dreams  had  seen  a 
crown  and  a throne  somewhere  in  Portugal  to  be  be- 
stowed on  him  by  the  man  to  whose  triumphal  car  he 
had  attached  his  king  and  his  country,  began  to  sus- 
pect Napoleon’s  intentions. 

Seeing  the  war-clouds  gather  in  the  north  of 
Europe,  he  thought  that  the  coalition  of  the  powers 
against  the  tyrant  was  the  presage  of  his  downfall, 
and  he  now  hastened  to  send  an  emissary  to  England. 

The  war-clouds  burst,  and  from  amid  the  thun- 
der and  smoke  of  battle  at  Jena,  Eylau,  and  Fried- 
land,  the  victor’s  figure  arose  more  imperious  than 
ever.  All  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe  but  one  ^ 
hastened  to  do  him  homage,  among  them  Charles  IV 
of  Spain  and  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  his  son. 

The  next  step  in  the  grand  drama  that  w^  being 
enacted  was  the  occupation  of  Spanish  territory  hy 
what  Bonaparte  was  pleased  to  call  an  army  of  obser- 
vation. This  time  Godoy’s  suspicions  became  con- 
firmed, and  to  save  the  royal  family  he  counsels  the 
king  to  withdraw  to  Andalusia.  Ferdinand  conspires 
to  dethrone  his  father,  the  people  become  excited, 
riots  take  place,  Godoy’s  residence  in  Aranguez  is 
attacked  by  the  mob,  and  the  king  abdicates  in  favor 
of  his  son.  Napoleon  himself  now  lands  at  Bayona. 
Charles  and  his  son  hasten  thither  to  salute  Europe’s 
master,  and,  after  declaring  that  his  abdication  was 
imposed  on  him  by  violence,  the  king  resumes  his 


‘ The  King  of  England. 
151 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

crown  and  humbly  lays  it  at  the  feet  of  the  arbiter 
of  the  fate  of  kings,  who  stoops  to  pick  it  up  only  to 
offer  it  to  his  brother  Louis,  who  refuses  it.  Then  he 
places  it  on  the  head  of  his  younger  brother  Joseph. 

Thus  fared  the  crown  of  Spain,  the  erstwhile 
proud  mistress  of  half  the  world,  and  the  degenerate 
successors  of  Charles  V accept  an  asylum  in  France 
from  the  hands  of  a soldier  of  fortune. 

But  if  their  rulers  had  lost  all  sense  of  dignity, 
all  feeling  of  national  pride,  the  Spanish  nation  re- 
mained true  to  itself,  and  when  the  doings  at  Bayona 
became  known  a cry  of  indignation  went  up  from  the 
Pyrenees  to  the  Mediterranean.  On  May  2,  1808, 
the  people  of  Spain  commenced  a six  years’  struggle 
full  of  heroic  and  terrible  episodes.  At  the  end  of 
that  period  the  necessity  of  withdrawing  the  French 
troops  from  Spain  to  confront  the  second  coali- 
tion, and  the  assistance  of  the  English  under  Lord 
Wellesley  cleared  the  Peninsula  of  French  soldiers. 
After  the  battle  of  Leipzig  (1813)  a treaty  between 
Ferdinand  YII  and  jSTapoleon  was  signed  in  Valencia, 
and  Spain’s  independence  was  recognized  and  guar- 
anteed by  the  allies. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  war  many  officers  and 
privates,  residents  of  Puerto  Rico,  enlisted  to  serve 
against  the  French,  and  large  sums  of  money,  con- 
sidering the  island’s  poverty,  were  subscribed  among 
the  inhabitants  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  the  mother 
country. 

Ferdinand  VII  reentered  Madrid  as  king  on 
March  21,  1811,  accompanied  by  a coterie  of  retro- 

152 


Social  Conditions 


grade,  revengeful  priests,  of  whom  his  confessor, 
Victor  Saez,  was  the  leader.  He  made  this  priest 
Minister  of  State,  and  soon  proved  the  truth  of  the 
saying  that  the  Bourbons  forget  nothing,  forgive 
nothing,  and  learn  nothing  from  experience. 

He  commenced  by  ignoring  the  regency  and  the 
Cortes.  These  had  preserved  his  kingdom  for  him 
while  he  was  an  exile.  lie  refused  to  recognize  the 
constitution  which  they  had  framed,  and  at  once  ini- 
tiated an  epoch  of  cruel  persecution  against  such  as 
had  distinguished  themselves  by  their  talents,  love  of 
liberty,  and  progressive  ideas.  The  public  press  was 
completely  silenced,  the  Inquisition  reestablished,  the 
convents  reopened,  provincial  deputations  and  munic- 
ipalities abolished,  distinguished  men  were  surprised 
in  their  beds  at  night  and  torn  from  the  arms  of  their 
wives  and  children,  to  be  conducted  by  soldiers  to  the 
fortress  of  Ceuta — in  short,  the  Government  was  a 
civil  dictatorship  occupied  in  hanging  the  most  dis- 
tinguished citizens,  while  the  military  authorities 
busied  themselves  in  shooting  them. 

In  the  colonies  the  king’s  lackeys  repeated  the 
same  outrages.  Puerto  Rico  suffered  like  the  rest, 
and  many  of  the  best  families  emigrated  to  the  neigh- 
boring English  and  French  possessions. 

The  result  of  the  royal  turpitude  was  the  revolu- 
tion headed  by  Rafael  Diego,  seconded  by  General 
O’Daly,  a Puerto  Rican  by  birth,  who  had  greatly  dis- 
tinguished himself  in  the  war  against  the  French. 
Other  generals  and  their  troops  followed,  and  when 
General  Labisbal,  sent  by  Ferdinand  to  quell  the  in- 
surrection, joined  his  comrades,  the  trembling  tyrant 

153 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

was  only  too  glad  to  save  his  throne  by  swearing  to 
maintain  the  constitution  of  1812.  O’Daly’s  share  in 
these  events  raised  him  to  the  rank  of  field-marshal, 
and  the  people  of  Puerto  Rico  elected  him  their  dep- 
uty to  Cortes  by  a large  majority  (1820). 

The  first  constitutional  regime  in  Puerto  Rico 
was  not  abolished  till  December  3,  1814.  For  the 
great  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  at 
that  time  the  privileges  of  citizenship  had  neither 
meaning  nor  value.  They  were  still  too  profoundly 
ignorant,  too  desperately  poor,  to  take  any  interest 
in  what  was  passing  outside  of  their  island.  Cock- 
fighting  and  horse-racing  occupied  most  of  their 
time.  Schools  had  not  increased  much  since  O’Reilly 
reported  the  existence  of  two  in  1765.  There  was  an 
ofiicial  periodical,  the  Gazette,  in  which  the  Govern- 
ment offered  spelling-books  for  sale  to  those  who 
wished  to  learn  to  read.^ 

During  the  second  constitutional  period,  Puerto 
Rico  was  divided  by  a resolution  in  Cortes  into  7 
judicial  districts,  and  tablets  wdth  the  constitutional 
prescriptions  on  them  were  ordered  to  be  placed  in 
the  plazas  of  the  towns  in  the  interior.  Public  spirit 
began  to  awaken,  several  patriotic  associations  were 
formed,  among  them  those  of  “ the  Lovers  of  Sci- 
ence,” the  Liberals,  Lovers  of  their  Country,”  and 
others.  But  the  dawn  of  progress  w’as  eclipsed  again 
toward  the  end  of  1823,  when  the  news  of  the  fall  of 
the  second  constitutional  regime  reached  Puerto  Rico 
a few  months  after  the  people  had  elected  their  dep- 
uties to  Cortes. 


* Neuman,  p.  354. 

154 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


GENERAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  ISLAND  FROM  1815  TO  1833 

That  Ferdinand  should,  while  engaged  in  cruel 
persecution  of  his  best  subjects  in  the  Peninsula, 
think  of  dictating  liberal  laws  for  this  island  is  an 
anomaly  which  can  be  explained  only  by  its  small 
political  importance. 

In  August,  1815,  there  appeared  a decree  en- 
titled “ Regulations  for  promoting  the  population, 
commerce,  industry,  and  agriculture  of  Puerto  Rico.” 
It  embraced  every  object,  and  provided  for  all  the 
various  incidents  that  could  instil  life  and  vigor  into 
an  infant  colony.  It  held  out  the  most  flattering 
prospects  to  industrious  and  enterprising  foreigners. 
1 1 conferred  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Spaniards  on 
them  and  their  children.  Lands  were  granted  to 
them  gratis,  and  no  expenses  attended  the  issue  of 
titles  and  legal  documents  constituting  it  private 
property.  The  quantity  of  land  allotted  was  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  slaves  introduced  by  each 
new  settler.  The  new  colonists  were  not  to  be  sub- 
ject to  taxes  or  export  duty  on  their  produce,  or 
import  duties  on  their  agricultural  implements.  If 
war  should  be  declared  between  Spain  and  their  na- 
tive country,  their  persons  and  properties  were  to  be 

155 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico, 

respected,  and  if  they  wished  to  leave  the  island  they 
were  permitted  to  realize  on  their  property  and  carry 
its  value  along  with  them,  paying  10  per  cent  on  the 
surplus  of  the  capital  they  had  brought.  They  were 
exempted  from  the  capitation  tax  or  personal  tribute. 
Each  slave  was  to  pay  a tax  of  one  dollar  yearly  after 
having  been  ten  years  in  the  island.  During  the  first 
five  3'ears  the  colonists  had  liberty  to  return  to  their 
former  places  of  residence,  and  in  this  case  could 
carry  with  them  all  that  they  had  brought  without 
being  obliged  to  pay  export  duty.  Those  who  should 
die  in  the  island  without  heirs  might  leave  their  prop- 
erty to  their  friends  and  relations  in  other  countries. 
The  heirs  had  the  privilege  of  remaining  on  the  same 
conditions  as  the  testators,  or  if  they  preferred  to 
take  away  their  inheritance  they  might  do  so  on  pay- 
ing a duty  of  15  per  cent. 

The  colonists  were  likewise  exonerated  from  the 
payment  of  tithes  for  fifteen  years,  and  at  the  end  of 
that  period  they  were  to  pay  only  2|-  per  cent.  They 
were  equally  free,  for  the  same  period,  from  the 
payment  of  alcabala,^  and  at  the  expiration  of  the 
specified  term  they  were  to  pay  2|-  per  cent,  but  if 
they  shipped  their  produce  to  Spain,  nothing.  The 
introduction  of  negroes  into  the  island  was  to  be 
perpetually  free.  Direct  commerce  with  Spain  and 
the  other  Spanish  possessions  was  to  be  free  for 
fifteen  years,  and  after  that  period  Puerto  Rico  was 
to  be  placed  on  the  same  footing  with  the  other  Span- 
ish colonies.  These  concessions  and  exemptions  were 


‘ Duty  ou  the  sale  of  produce  or  articles  of  commerce. 

156 


General  Condition  of  the  Island 


contained  in  tliirty-tliree  articles,  and  though,  at  the 
present  day,  they  may  seem  but  the  abolition  of 
unwarrantable  abuses,  at  the  time  the  concessions 
were  made  they  were  real  and  important  and  pro- 
duced salutary  effects.  They  brought  foreigners 
possessing  capital  and  agricultural  knowledge  into 
the  country,  whose  habits  of  industry  and  skill  in 
cultivation  soon  began  to  be  imitated  and  acquired  by 
the  natives. 

The  effects  of  the  revolution  of  1820  were  felt  in 
Puerto  Rico  as  well  as  in  Spain.  The  concentration 
of  civil  and  military  power  in  the  hands  of  the  cap- 
tains-general  ceased,  but  party  spirit  began  to  show 
its  disturbing  influence.  The  press,  hitherto  muf- 
fled by  political  and  ecclesiastical  censors,  often  went 
to  the  extremes  of  abuse  and  personalities.  Mechanics 
and  artisans  began  to  neglect  their  workshops  to  listen 
to  the  harangues  of  politicians  on  the  nature  of  gov- 
ernments and  laws.  Agriculture  and  commerce 
diminished.  Great  but  ineffectual  efforts  were  made 
to  induce  the  people  of  Puerto  Rico  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  colonies  on  the  continent  and  proclaim 
their  independence. 

This  state  of  affairs  lasted  till  1823,  when, 
through  French  intervention,  the  constitutional  Gov- 
ernment in  Spain  was  overthrown,  and  a second 
reactionary  period  set  in  even  worse  in  its  mani- 
festations of  odium  to  progress  and  liberty  than 
the  one  of  1814.  The  leading  men  of  the  fallen 
government,  to  escape  death  or  imprisonment,  emi- 
grated. Among  them  was  O’Daly,  who,  after  liv- 
ing some  time  in  London,  settled  in  Saint  Thomas, 

157 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

where  he  earned  a precarious  living  as  teacher  of 
languages.^ 

In  1825  the  island’s  governor  was  Lieutenant- 
General  Miguel  de  la  Torre,  Count  de  Torrepando, 
who  was  invested  by  the  king  with  viceregal  powers, 
which  he  used  in  the  first  place  to  put  a stop  to  the 
organized  system  of  defalcation  that  existed.  The 
proof  of  the  efficacy  of  the  timely  and  vigorous  pro- 
ceedings which  he  employed  was  the  immediate  in- 
crease of  the  public  revenue,  which  from  that  day 
continued  rapidly  to  advance.  The  troops  in  garrison 
and  all  persons  employed  in  the  public  service  were 
regularly  paid,  nearly  half  the  arrears  of  back  pay 
were  gradually  paid  off,  confidence  was  restored,  and 
“ more  was  accomplished  for  the  island  during  the 
last  seven  years  of  Governor  La  Torre’s  administra- 
tion (from  1827  to  1834),  and  more  money  arising 
from  its  revenues  was  expended  on  works  of  public 
utility,  than  the  total  amounts  furnished  for  the  same 
object  during  the  preceding  300  years.”  ^ 

The  era  of  prosperity  which  marked  the  period 
of  Count  de  Torrepando’s  administration,  and  which 
at  the  same  time  prevailed  in  Cuba  also,  was  largely 
due  to  the  advent  in  these  Antilles  of  many  of  the 
best  and  wealthiest  citizens  of  Venezuela,  Colombia, 


' In  1834  the  Queen  Regent,  Maria  Christina,  gave  him  per- 
mission to  reside  in  Puerto  Rico.  Two  years  later  he  was  rein- 
stated in  favor  and  was  made  Military  Governor  of  Cartagena. 
He  died  in  Madrid  a few  years  later. 

* Colonel  Flinter.  An  Account  of  the  Present  State  of  the 
Island  of  Puerto  Rico.  London,  1834. 

158 


General  Condition  of  the  Island 


and  Santo  Domingo,  who,  driven  from  their  homes 
by  the  incessant  revolutions,  to  escape  persecution 
settled  in  them,  and  infused  a new  and  healthier  ele- 
ment in  the  lower  classes  of  the  population. 

The  condition  of  Puerto  Rican  society  at  this 
period,  though  much  improved  since  1815,  still  left 
much  to  be  desired.  The  leaders  of  society  were  the 
Spanish  civil  and  military  officers,  who,  with  little 
prospect  of  returning  to  the  Peninsula,  married 
wealthy  creole  women  and  made  the  island  their 
home.  Their  descendants  form  the  aristocracy  of  to- 
day. Xext  came  the  merchants  and  shopkeepers, 
active  and  industrious  Catalans,  Gallegos,  !Mallor- 
quins,  who  seldom  married  hut  returned  to  the  Penin- 
sula as  soon  as  they  had  made  sufficient  money.  These 
and  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  made  a transitory 
population.  Tradesmen  and  artisans,  as  a rule,  were 
creoles.  Besides  these,  the  island  swarmed  with  ad- 
venturers of  all  countries,  who  came  and  went  as 
fortune  favored  or  frowned. 

There  was  another  class  of  “ whites  ’’  who  made 
up  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  the  population — 
namely,  the  convicts  who  had  served  out  their  time  in 
the  island’s  fortress.  Few  of  them  had  any  induce- 
ment to  return  to  their  native  land.  They  generally 
succeeded  in  finding  a refuge  with  some  family  of 
colored  people,  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  this  in- 
graftment  did  not  enhance  the  morality  of  the  class 
with  Avhom  they  mixed.  The  evil  reputation  which 
Puerto  Rico  had  in  the  French  and  English  Antilles 
as  being  an  island  Avhere  rape,  rohliery,  and  assassina- 
tion were  rife  was  probably  due  to  this  circumstance, 
12  159 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

and  not  altogether  undeserved,  for  we  read  ^ that  in 
1827  the  municipal  corporation  of  Aguadilla  dis- 
cussed the  convenience  of  granting  or  refusing  per- 
mission for  the  celebration  of  the  annual  Feast  of 
the  Conception,  which  had  been  suspended  since  1820 
at  the  request  of  the  curate,  “ on  account  of  the 
gambling,  rapes,  and  robberies  that  accompanied  it/’ 

Horse-racing  and  cock-fighting  remained  the  prin- 
cipal amusement  of  the  populace.  Every  house  and 
cabin  had  its  game-cock,  every  village  its  licensed 
cockpit.  The  houses  of  all  classes  were  built  of 
wood;  the  cabins  of  the  “ jibaros  ” were  mere  bamboo 
hovels,  where  the  family,  males  and  females  of  all 
ages,  slept  huddled  together  on  a platform  of  boards. 
There  were  no  inns  in  country  or  town,  except  one  in 
the  capital.  Schools  for  both  sexes  were  wanting,  a 
few  youths  were  sent  by  their  parents  to  be  educated 
in  France  or  Spain  or  the  United  States,  and  after 
two  or  three  years  returned  with  a little  superficial 
knowledge. 

About  this  time  the  formation  of  a militia  corps 
of  7,000  men  was  a step  in  the  right  direction.  The 
people,  dispersed  over  the  face  of  the  country,  living 
in  isolated  houses,  had  little  incentive  to  industry. 
Their  wants  were  few  and  easily  satisfied,  and  their 
time  was  spent  swinging  in  a hammock  or  in  their 
favorite  amusements.  The  obligation  to  serve  in  the 
militia  forced  them  to  abandon  their  indolent  and 
unsocial  habits  and  appear  in  the  towns  on  Sundays 
for  drill.  They  were  thus  compelled  to  be  better 


* Brau,  p.  284. 
160 


General  Condition  of  the  Island 


dressed,  and  a salutary  spirit  of  emulation  was  pro- 
duced. This  created  new  wants,  which  had  to  he  sup- 
plied by  increased  labor,  their  manners  were  softened, 
and  if  their  morals  did  not  gain,  they  were,  at  least, 
aroused  from  the  listless  inactivity  of  an  almost  sav- 
age life  to  exertion  and  social  intercourse. 

Such  were  the  social  conditions  of  the  island 
when  the  death  of  Ferdinand  VII  gave  rise  to  an 
uninterrupted  succession  of  political  upheavals,  the 
baneful  effects  of  which  were  felt  here. 


161 


CHAPTER  XXV 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  SPAIN  AND  THEIK  INFLUENCE  ON 
AFFAIRS  IN  PUERTO  RICO 
1833-1874 

The  French  Revolution  of  1830  and  the  expul- 
sion of  Charles  X revived  the  hopes  of  the  liberal 
party  in  Spain,  which  party  the  bigoted  absolutism  of 
the  king  and  his  minister  had  vainly  endeavored  to 
exterminate.  The  liberals  saluted  that  event  as  a 
promise  that  the  nineteenth  century  should  see  the 
realization  of  their  aspirations,  and  the  exiled  mem- 
bers of  the  party  at  once  came  to  France  to  attempt 
an  invasion  of  Spain,  counting  upon  the  sympathy  of 
the  French  Government,  which  was  denied  them. 
The  attempt  only  brought  renewed  persecution  to  the 
members  at  home. 

Fortunately,  the  king’s  failing  health  and  subse- 
quent death  transferred  the  reins  of  government  to 
the  hands  of  the  queen,  who,  less  absolutist  than  her 
consort,  reopened  the  universities,  which  had  long 
been  closed,  and  proclaimed  a general  amnesty,  thus 
bringing  the  expatriated  and  imprisoned  Liberals  back 
to  political  life. 

After  the  king’s  death  the  pretensions  of  Hon 
Carlos,  his  brother,  lit  the  torch  of  civil  war,  which 

162 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

blazed  fiercely  till  1836,  when  a revolution  changed 
the  Government’s  policy  and  the  constitution  of  1812 
was  again  declared  in  force.  In  1837  the  Cortes, 
though  nearly  all  the  Deputies  were  Progressists,  by 
a vote  of  90  to  60,  deprived  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico 
of  the  right  of  representation. 

Another  Carlist  campaign  was  initiated  in  1838. 
In  1839  Maria  Christina,  ha\dng  lost  her  prestige, 
was  obliged  to  abdicate;  then  followed  the  regency  of 
the  Duke  de  la  Victoria  Espartero,  an  insurrection  in 
Barcelona,  the  Cortes  of  1843,  an  attack  on  Madrid, 
and  the  fall  of  the  regency,  a period  of  seven  years 
marked  by  a series  of  military  pronunciamentos,  the 
last  of  which  was  headed  by  General  Prim. 

Isabel  II  was  now  declared  of  age  (1843),  and 
from  the  date  of  her  accession  two  political  parties,  the 
Progressists  and  the  Moderates,  under  the  leadership 
of  Espartero  and  Narvaez  respectively,  contended 
for  control,  until,  in  1865,  the  insurrection  of  Vical- 
varo  gave  the  direction  of  affairs  to  O’Donnell, 
Canovas  del  Castillo,  and  others,  who  represented 
the  liberal  Unionist  party.  They  remained  in  power 
till  1866,  when  Prim  and  Gonzales  Bravo  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  once  more  and  Isabel  II  was  de- 
throned. Then  another  provisional  government  was 
formed  under  a triumvirate  composed  of  Generals 
Prim,  Serrano,  and  Topete,  who  represented  the  Pro- 
gressist and  the  democratic  parties  (September, 
1868).  They  steered  the  ship  of  state  till  1871, 
and,  seeing  the  rocks  of  revolution  still  ahead,  offered 
the  Spanish  crown  to  Amadeo,  who,  after  wearing  it 
scarce  two  years,  found  it  too  heavy  for  his  brow,  and 

163 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

abdicated.  He  had  changed  ministeriums  six  times  in 
less  than  two  years,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  modern  Spaniards  were  ungovernable. 

A republican  form  of  government  was  now  estab- 
lished (February  11,  1873),  and  it  was  understood  by 
all  parties  that  it  should  be  a Federal  Republic,  in 
which  each  of  the  provinces  should  enjoy  the  largest 
possible  amount  of  autonomy,  subject  to  the  author- 
ity of  the  central  government. 

This  proved  to  be  the  stumbling-block;  the  dep- 
uties could  not  agi’ee  on  the  details,  passions  were 
aroused,  violent  discussions  took  place.  The  Carlists, 
seeing  a favorable  opportunity,  plunged  the  Basque 
provinces,  Xavarra,  Cataluna,  lower  Aragon,  and  part 
of  Castilla  and  Valencia,  into  civil  war.  At  the 
same  time,  the  Radicals  promoted  what  were  called 
“ cantonnal  ” insurrections  in  Cartagena,  and  Spain 
seemed  on  the  verge  of  social  chaos  and  ruin. 

A coup  d'etat  saved  the  country.  General  Pa- 
via, the  Captain-General  of  Madrid,  with  a body  of 
guards  forced  an  entrance  into  the  halls  of  congress 
and  turned  the  Deputies  out  (January  3,  1874).  A 
provisional  government  was  once  more  constituted 
with  Serrano  at  the  head.  His  first  act  was  to  dis- 
solve the  Cortes. 

The  events  just  summarized  exercised  a baneful 
influence  on  the  social,  political,  and  economic  condi- 
tions of  this  and  of  its  more  important  sister  Antilla. 

Royalists,  Carlists,  Liberals,  Reformists,  L^nion- 
ists.  Moderates,  and  men  of  other  political  parties  dis- 
puted over  the  direction  of  the  nation’s  affairs  at  the 

164 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

point  of  the  sword,  and  as  each  party  obtained  an 
ephemeral  victory  it  hastened  to  send  its  partizans  to 
govern  these  islands.  The  new  governors  invariably 
proceeded  at  once  to  undo  what  their  predecessors  had 
wrought  before  them. 

They  succeeded  each  other  at  short  intervals. 
From  1837  to  1874  twenty-six  captains-general  came 
to  Puerto  Rico,  only  six  of  whom  left  any  grateful 
memories  behind.  The  others  looked  upon  the  people 
as  always  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  continental  colonies.  They  pursued 
a policy  of  distrust,  suspicion,  and  of  uncompromis- 
ing antagonism  to  the  people’s  most  legitimate  aspi- 
rations. 

The  reactionists,  in  their  implacable  odium  of 
progress  and  liberty,  considered  every  measure  calcu- 
lated to  give  greater  freedom  to  the  people  or  raise 
their  moral  and  intellectual  status  as  a crime  against 
the  mother  country;  hence  the  utter  absence  of  the 
means  of  education,  and  a systematic  demoralization 
of  the  masses. 

Don  Angel  Acosta ' mentions  the  Count  de 
Torrepando  as  an  example  of  this.  He  came  from 
Venezuela  to  govern  this  island  in  1837,  with  the  ex- 
press purpose,  he  declared,  of  diverting  the  attention 
of  the  inhabitants  from  the  revolutionary  doings  of 
Bolivar. 

Gambling  was,  and  is  still,  one  of  the  ruling  vices 
of  the  common  people.  He  encouraged  it,  estab- 
lished cockpits  in  every  town  and  instituted  the  car- 


* Estudio  Historico.  San  Juan,  1899. 

165 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

nival  games.  He  also  established  the  feast  of  San 
Juan,  which  lasted,  and  still  lasts,  the  whole  month 
of  June;  and  when  some  respectable  people,  Insulars 
as  well  as  Peninsulars,  protested  against  this  official 
propaganda  of  vice  and  idleness,  he  replied:  “Let 
them  be — while  they  dance  and  gamble  they  don’t 
conspire;  . . . these  people  must  be  governed  by 
three  B’s — Barraja,  Botella,  and  Berijo.”  ^ General 
Pezuela,  a man  of  liberal  disposition  and  literary  at- 
tainments,^ stigmatized  the  people  of  Puerto  Rico 
as  a people  without  faith,  without  thought,  and  with- 
out religion,  and,  though  he  afterward  did  something 
for  the  intellectual  development  of  the  inhabitants, 
in  the  beginning  of  his  administration  (1848-1851) 
thought  it  expedient  not  to  discoiirage  cock-fighting, 
but  regulated  it. 

In  1865  gambling  was  public  and  universal.  In 
the  capital  there  was  a gambling-house  in  almost 
every  street.  One  in  the  upper  story  of  the  house 
at  the  corner  of  San  Francisco  and  Cruz  Streets,  kept 
by  an  Italian,  was  crowded  day  and  night.  The 
bank  could  be  distinctly  seen  from  the  Plaza,  and  the 
noise,  the  oaths,  the  foul  language,  mixing  with  the 
chink  of  money  distinctly  heard.  When  the  govern- 
or’s attention  (General  Felix  Messina)  was  called  to 
the  scandalous  exhibition,  his  answer  was:  “ Let  them 
gamble,  . . . while  they  are  at  it  they  will  not 
occupy  themselves  with  politics,  and  if  they  get 
ruined  it  is  for  the  benefit  of  others.” 


* Cards,  rum,  and  women. 

’ He  had  been  President  of  the  Royal  Academy. 


166 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

This  systematic  vilification  of  the  people  com- 
pletely neutralized  the  effect  of  the  measures  adopted 
from  time  to  time  by  progressist  governors,  such  as 
the  Count  of  Mirasol,  Norzagaray,  Cotoner,  and 
Pavia,  and  not  even  the  revolution  of  September, 
1868,  materially  affected  the  disgraceful  condition  of 
affairs  in  the  island.  Only  those  who  paid  twenty- 
five  pesos  direct  contribution  had  the  right  of  suf- 
frage. The  press  remained  subject  to  previous  cen- 
sorship, its  principal  function  being  to  swing  the 
incense-burner;  the  right  of  public  reunion  was  un- 
known, and  if  known  would  have  been  impracticable ; 
the  majority  of  the  respectable  citizens  lived  under 
constant  apprehension  lest  they  should  be  secretly  ac- 
cused of  disloyalty  and  prosecuted.  Kumors  of  con- 
spiracies, filibustering  expeditions,  clandestine  intro- 
ductions of  arms,  and  attempts  at  insurrection  were 
the  order  of  the  day.  Every  Liberal  was  sure  to  be 
inscribed  on  the  lists  of  “ suspects,”  harassed  and 
persecuted. 

A seditious  movement  among  the  garrison  on  the 
7th  of  June,  1867,  gave  Governor  Marchessi  a pre- 
text for  banishing  about  a dozen  of  the  leading  inhab- 
itants of  the  capital,  an  arbitrary  proceeding  which 
was  afterward  disapproved  by  the  Government  in 
Madrid. 

Such  a situation  naturally  affected  the  economic 
conditions  of  the  island.  Confidence  there  was  none. 
Credit  was  refused.  Capital  emigrated  with  its  pos- 
sessors. Commerce  and  agriculture  languished. 
Misery  spread  over  the  land.  The  treasury  was 
empty,  for  no  contributions  could  be  collected  from 

167 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

an  impoverished  population,  and  the  island’s  future 
was  compromised  by  loans  at  usurious  rates. 

The  dethronement  of  Isabel  II,  and  the  revolu- 
tion of  September,  1868,  brought  a change  for  the  bet- 
ter. The  injustice  done  to  the  Antilles  by  the  Cortes 
of  1837  was  repaired,  and  the  island  was  again  called 
upon  to  elect  representatives.  The  first  meetings 
with  that  object  were  held  in  February,  1869. 

The  ideas  and  tendencies  of  the  Liberal  and  Con- 
servative parties  among  the  native  Puerto  Kicans 
were  now  beginning  to  he  defined.  Each  party 
had  its  organ  in  the  press  ^ and  advocated  its  prin- 
ciples; the  authorities  stood  aloof;  the  elections  came 
off  in  an  orderly  manner  (May,  1869);  the  Conser- 
vatives carried  the  first  and  third  districts,  the  Lib- 
erals the  second. 

It  may  he  said  that  the  political  education  of  the 
Puerto  Kicans  commenced  with  the  royal  decree  of 
1865,  which  authorized  the  minister  of  ultramarine 
affairs,  Canovas  del  Castillo,  to  draw  up  a report  from 
the  information  to  he  Lirnished  by  special  commis- 
sioners to  he  elected  in  Puerto  Kico  and  Cuba,  which 
information  was  to  serve  as  a basis  for  the  enactment 
of  special  laws  for  the  government  of  each  island. 
This  gave  the  commissioners  an  opportunity  to  dis- 
cuss their  views  on  insular  government  with  the  lead- 
ing public  men  of  Spain,  and  they  profited  by  these 
discussions  till  1867,  when  they  returned. 

The  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  had  not 

* El  Porvenir,  for  the  Liberals,  the  Boletin  Mercantil,  for  the 
Conservatives. 


168 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

been  brought  to  a decision.  The  insular  deputies 
were  almost  equally  divided  in  their  opinions  for  and 
against,  but  the  revolutionary  committee  in  its  mani- 
festo declared  that  from  September  19,  1868,  all 
children  born  of  a slave  mother  should  be  free. 

In  Puerto  Rico  this  measure  remained  without 
effect  owing  to  the  arbitrary  and  reactionist  character 
of  the  governor  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  Don 
Julian  Pavia,  during  whose  just  and  prudent  admin- 
istration the  so-called  Insurrection  of  Lares  hap- 
pened. It  was  originally  planned  by  an  ex-commis- 
sioner to  Cortes,  Don  Ruiz  Belviz,  and  his  friend 
Betances,  who  had  incurred  the  resentment  of  Gov- 
ernor Marchessi,  and  who  were  banished  in  con- 
sequence. They  obtained  the  remission  of  their 
sentences  in  Madrid.  Betances  returned  to  Santo  Do- 
mingo and  Belviz  started  on  a tour  through  Spanish- 
American  republics  to  solicit  assistance  in  his  seces- 
sionist plan;  but  he  died  in  Valparaiso,  and  Betances 
was  left  to  carry  it  out  alone. 

September  20,  1868,  two  or  three  hiandred  indi- 
viduals of  all  classes  and  colors,  many  of  them  negro 
slaves  brought  along  by  their  masters  under  promise 
of  liberation,  met  at  the  coffee  plantation  of  a Mr. 
Bruckman,  an  American,  who  provided  them  with 
knives  and  machetes,  of  which  he  had  a large  stock 
in  readiness.  Thus  armed  they  proceeded  to  the  plan- 
tation of  a Mr.  Rosas,  who  saluted  them  as  “ the 
army  of  liberators,”  and  announced  himself  as  their 
general-in-chief,  in  token  whereof  he  was  dressed  in 
the  uniform  of  an  American  fireman,  with  a tri- 
colored scarf  across  his  breast,  a flaming  sash  around 

169 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico  , 

his  waist,  with  sword,  revolver,  and  cavalry  hoots. 
During  the  day  detachments  of  men  from  different 
parts  of  the  district  joined  the  party  and  brought  the 
numbers  to  from  eight  to  ten  hundred.  The  commis- 
sariat, not  yet  being  organized,  the  general-in-chief 
generously  provided  an  abundant  meal  for  his  men, 
which,  washed  down  with  copious  drafts  of  rum, 
put  them  in  excellent  condition  to  undertake  the 
march  on  Lares  that  same  evening. 

At  midnight  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  that 
small  toAvn,  which  lies  nestled  among  precipitous 
mountains  in  the  interior,  were  startled  from  their 
sleep  by  loud  yells  and  cries  of  “ Long  live  Puerto 
Rico  independent!  Down  with  Spain!  Death  to  the 
Spaniards!  ” The  alcalde  and  his  secretary,  who 
came  out  in  the  street  to  see  what  the  noise  was  about, 
were  made  prisoners  and  placed  in  the  stocks,  where 
they  were  soon  joined  by  a number  of  Spaniards  who 
lived  in  the  town. 

The  contents  of  two  or  three  wine  and  provision 
shops  (pulperias)  that  were  plundered  kept  the  “ en- 
thusiasm ” alive. 

The  next  day  the  Republic  of  Boriquen  was  pro- 
claimed. To  give  solemnity  to  the  occasion,  the 
curate  was  forced  to  hold  a thanksgiving  service  and 
sing  a Te  Deum,  after  which  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment was  installed.  Francisco  Ramirez,  a small 
landholder,  was  the  president.  The  justice  of  the 
peace  was  made  secretary  of  government,  his  clerk 
became  secretary  of  finance,  another  clerk  was  made 
secretary  of  justice,  and  the  lessee  of  a cockpit  sec- 
retary of  state.  The  ‘‘  alcaldia  ” was  the  executive’s 

170 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

palace,  and  the  queen’s  portrait,  which  hung  in  the 
room,  was  replaced  by  a white  flag  with  the  inscrip- 
tion : “ Long  live  free  Puerto  Rico ! Liberty  or 
Death!  1868.” 

The  declaration  of  independence  came  next.  All 
Spaniards  were  ordered  to  leave  the  island  with  their 
families  within  three  days,  failing  which  they  would 
be  considered  as  citizens  of  the  new-born  republic 
and  obliged  to  take  arms  in  its  defense;  in  ease  of 
refusal  they  would  be  treated  as  traitors. 

The  next  important  step  was  to  form  a plan  of 
campaign.  It  was  agreed  to  divide  “ the  army  ” in 
two  columns  and  march  them  the  following  day  on 
the  towTis  of  Pepino  and  Camuy;  but  when  morning 
came  it  appeared  that  the  night  air  had  cooled  the 
enthusiasm  of  more  than  half  the  number  of  “ liber- 
ators,” and  that,  considering  discretion  the  better 
part  of  valor,  they  had  returned  to  their  homes. 

However,  there  were  about  three  hundred  men 
left,  and  with  these  the  “ commander-in-chief  ” 
marched  upon  Pepino.  When  the  inhabitants  be- 
came aware  of  the  approach  of  their  liberators  they 
ran  to  shut  themselves  up  in  their  houses.  The 
column  made  a short  halt  at  a “ pulperia  ” in  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town,  to  take  some  “ refreshment,”  and 
then  boldly  penetrated  to  the  plaza,  where  it  was  met 
by  sixteen  loyal  militiamen.  A number  of  shots  were 
exchanged.  One  “ libertador  ” was  killed  and  two 
or  three  wounded,  when  suddenly  some  one  cried: 
The  soldiers  are  coming  ! ” This  was  the  signal 
for  a general  sauve  qui  pent,  and  soon  Commander 
Rojas  with  a few  of  his  “ oflicers  ” were  left  alone. 

171 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

It  is  said  that  he  tried  to  rally  his  panic-stricken  war- 
riors, bnt  they  would  not  listen  to  him.  Then  he 
returned  to  his  plantation  a sadder,  hut,  presumably, 
a wiser  man.^ 

As  soon  as  the  neAvs  of  the  disturbance  reached 
San  Juan,  the  GoA^ernor  sent  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gamar  in  pursuit  of  the  rebels,  Avith  orders  to  im^esti- 
gate  the  details  of  the  moA'ement  and  make  a list  of 
names  of  all  those  implicated.  Eosas  and  all  his  fol- 
loAvers  Avere  taken  prisoners  without  resistance. 
Bruckman  and  a Venezuelan  resisted  and  AA^ere  shot 
doAvn. 

Here  Avas  an  opportiinity  for  the  reactionists  to 
visit  on  the  heads  of  all  the  members  of  the  reform 
party  the  offense  of  a feAV  misguided  jibaros,  and  they 
tried  hard  to  persuade  the  goA'ernor  to  adopt  soA^ere 
measures  against  their  enemies;  but  General  PaAua 
Avas  a just  and  a prudent  man,  and  he  placed  the  rebels 
at  the  disposition  of  the  ciAul  court.  They  Avere 
imprisoned  in  Lares,  Arecibo,  and  Aguadilla,  and, 
while  aAvaiting  their  trial,  an  epidemic,  brought  on 
by  the  unsanitary  conditions  of  the  prisons  in  Avhich 
they  Avere  packed,  speedily  carried  off  seA^enty-nine 
of  them. 

Of  the  rest  seven  Avere  condemned  to  death,  but 
the  goA^ernor  pardoned  fiA"e.  The  remaining  tAvo  Avere 
pardoned  by  his  successor. 

So  ended  the  insm’rection  of  Lares.  During  the 
trial  of  the  rebels,  the  same  members  of  the  reform 

' Extracts  from  the  History  of  the  Insurrection  of  Lares,  by 
Jose  Perez  Moris. 


172 


Only  |■l>ln!liniIlg  gate  ol'  llio  city  wall,  San  ,lnan. 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

party  who  had  been  banished  by  Governor  Mar- 
chessi,  Don  Julian  Blanco,  Don  Jose  Julian  Acosta, 
Don  Pedro  Goico,  Don  Rufino  Goenaga,  and  Don 
Calixto  Romero,  were  denounced  as  the  leaders  of 
the  Separatist  movement.  They  were  imprisoned,  but 
were  soon  after  found  to  have  been  falsely  accused 
and  liberated. 

Until  the  arrival  of  General  Don  Gabriel  Bal- 
drich  as  governor  (May,  1870),  Puerto  Rico  benefited 
little  by  the  revolution  of  September,  1868.  The 
insurrection  in  Cuba,  which  coincided  with  the  move- 
ment in  Lares,  made  Sanz,  the  successor  of  Pavia,  a 
man  of  arbitrary  character  and  reactionary  principles, 
adopt  a policy  more  suspicious  and  intransigent  than 
ever  (from  1869  to  1870),  but  Governor  Baldrich 
was  a stanch  Liberal,  and  the  Separatist  phantom 
which  had  haunted  his  predecessor  had  no  terrors  for 
him.  From  the  day  of  his  arrival,  the  dense  atmos- 
phere of  obstruction,  distrust,  and  jealousy  in  which 
the  island  was  suffocating  cleared.  The  rumors  of 
conspiracies  ceased,  political  opinions  were  respected, 
the  Liberals  could  publicly  express  their  desire  for 
reform  withorit  being  sid)jected  to  insxdt  and  perse- 
cution. The  gag  was  removed  from  the  mouth  of  the 
press  and  each  party  had  its  proper  organ.  The 
municipal  elections  came  off  peaceably,  and  the  Pro- 
vincial Deputation,  composed  entirely  of  Liberal  re- 
formists, was  inaugurated  April  1,  1871. 

General  Baldrich  was  terribly  harassed  by  the 
intransigents  here  and  in  the  Peninsula.  He  w'as 
accused  of  being  an  enemy  of  Spain  and  of  protecting 
the  Separatists. 


173 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Meetings  were  held  denouncing  his  administra- 
tion, menaces  of  expulsion  were  uttered,  and  he  was 
insulted  even  in  his  own  palace.  Violent  opposition 
to  his  reform  measures  were  carried  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  was  at  last  obliged  to  declare  the  capital  in  a 
state  of  siege  (July  26,  1871). 

On  September  27th  of  the  same  year  he  left 
Puerto  Rico  disgusted,  much  to  the  regret  of  the  en- 
lightened part  of  the  population,  which  had,  for  the 
first  time,  enjoyed  for  a short  period  the  benefits  of 
political  freedom.  As  a proof  of  the  disposition  of 
the  majority  of  the  people  they  had  elected  eighteen 
Liberal  reformists  as  Deputies  to  Cortes  out  of  the 
nineteen  that  corresponded  to  the  island. 

Baldrich’s  successor  was  General  Ramon  Gomez 
Pulido,  nicknamed  “ coco  seco  ” (dried  coconut)  on 
account  of  his  shriveled  appearance.  Although  ap- 
pointed by  a Radical  Ministry,  he  inaugurated  a reac- 
tionary policy.  He  ordered  new  elections  to  be  held 
at  once,  and  soon  filled  the  prisons  of  the  island  with 
Liberal  reformists.  lie  was  followed  by  General 
Don  Simon  de  la  Torre  (1872).  His  reform  meas- 
ures met  with  still  fiercer  opposition  than  that  which 
General  Baldrich  encountered.  He  also  was  forced  to 
declare  the  state  of  siege  in  the  capital  and  landed  the 
marines  of  a Spanish  war-ship  that  happened  to  be  in 
the  port.  He  posted  them  in  the  Morro  and  San  Cris- 
tobal forts,  with  the  guns  pointed  on  the  city,  threat- 
ening to  bombard  it  if  the  “ inconditionals  ” who  had 
tried  to  suborn  the  garrison  carried  their  intention  of 
promoting  an  insurrection  into  effect.  He  removed 
the  chief  of  the  staff  from  his  post  and  sent  him  to 


Political  Events  in  Spain 

Spain,  relieved  the  colonel  of  the  Puerto  Rican  battal- 
ion and  the  two  colonels  in  Mayaguez  and  Ponce 
from  their  respective  commands,  and  maintained  or- 
der with  a strong  hand  till  he  was  recalled  by  the 
Government  in  Madrid  through  the  machinations  of 
his  opponents. 

During  the  interval  between  the  departure  of 
General  Baldrich  and  the  arrival  in  April,  1873,  of 
Lieutenant-General  Primo  de  Rivero,  there  happened 
what  was  called  “ the  insurrection  of  Camuy,”  in 
which  three  men  were  killed,  two  wounded,  and  six- 
teen taken  prisoners,  which  turned  out  to  have  been 
an  unwarrantable  aggression  on  the  part  of  the 
reactionists,  falsely  reported  as  an  attempt  at 
insurrection. 

General  Primo  de  Rivero  brought  with  him  the 
proclamation  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  Article  1 
of  the  Constitution  of  1869,  whereby  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  island  were  recognized  as  Spaniards. 

Great  popular  rejoicings  followed  these  procla- 
mations. In  San  Juan  processions  paraded  the  streets 
amid  “ vivas  ” to  Spain,  to  the  Republic,  and  to 
Liberty.  In  Ponce  the  people  and  the  soldiers  frater- 
nized, and  the  long-cherished  aspirations  of  the  in- 
habitants seemed  to  be  realized  at  last. 

But  they  were  soon  to  be  undeceived.  The  Re- 
publican authorities  in  the  metropolis  sent  Sanz,  the 
reactionist,  as  governor  for  the  second  time.  His 
first  act  was  to  suspend  the  individual  guarantees 
granted  by  the  Constitution,  then  he  abolished  the 
Provincial  Deputation,  dissolved  the  municipalities 
in  which  the  Liberal  reformists  had  a majority,  and  a 
13  175 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

new  period  of  persecution  set  in,  in  which  teachers, 
clergymen,  lawyers,  and  judges — in  short,  all  who 
were  distinguished  by  superior  education  and  their 
liberal  ideas — were  punished  for  the  crime  of  having 
striven  with  deed  or  tongue  or  pen  for  the  progress 
and  welfare  of  the  land  of  their  birth. 


176 


CHAPTEK  XXVI 


GENEBAL  CONDITIONS  OF  THE  ISLAND THE  DAWN 

OF  FREEDOM 

1874-1898 

The  Spanish  Republic  was  but  short  lived.  From 
the  day  of  its  proclamation  (February  11,  1873)  to 
the  landing  in  Barcelona  of  Alphonso  XII  in  the 
early  days  of  1876  its  history  is  the  record  of  an  un- 
interrupted series  of  popular  tumults. 

The  political  restlessness  in  the  Peninsula,  accen- 
tuating as  it  did  the  party  antagonisms  in  Cuba  and 
Puerto  Rico,  led  the  governors,  most  of  whom  were 
chosen  for  their  adherence  to  conservative  principles, 
to  endeavor,  but  in  vain,  to  stem  the  tide  of  revolu- 
tionary and  Separatist  ideas  with  more  and  more  dras- 
tic measures  of  repression. 

This  persistence  of  the  colonial  authorities  in  the 
maintenance  of  an  obsolete  system  of  administration, 
in  the  face  of  a universal  recognition  of  the  principles 
of  liberty  and  self-government,  added  to  tbe  imme- 
diate effect  on  the  economic  and  social  conditions  in 
this  island  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  for  which  it 
was  unprepared,*  brought  it  once  more  to  the  brink 
of  ruin. 


• The  slaveholders  were  paid  in  Government  bonds  (schedules), 
redeemable  in  ten  years.  They  lost  their  labor  supply,  and  had 

177 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

From  1873  to  1880  the  resources  of  the  island 
grew  gradually  less,  the  country’s  capital  was  being 
consumed  without  profit,  credit  became  depressed, 
the  best  business  forecasts  turned  out  illusive,  the 
most  intelligent  industrial  efforts  remained  sterile. 
The  sun  of  prosperity  which  rose  over  the  island  in 
1815  set  again  in  gloom  during  this  period  of  seven 
years. 

The  causes  were  clear  to  every  unbiased  mind 
and  must  have  been  so  even  to  the  prejudiced  officials 
of  the  Government.  They  consisted  in  the  anomalous 
restrictions  on  the  coasting  trade,  the  unjustifiable 
difference  in  the  duties  on  Spanish  and  island  prod- 
uce, the  high  duty  on  flour  from  the  United  States, 
the  export  duties,  the  extravagant  expenditure  in  the 
administration,  irritating  monopolies,  and  countless 
abuses,  vexatious  formalities,  and  ruinous  exactions. 

Mr.  James  McCormick,  an  intelligent  Scotchman, 
for  many  years  a resident  of  the  island,  who,  in  1880, 
was  commissioned  by  the  Provincial  Deputation  to 
draw  up  a report  on  the  causes  of  the  agricultural 
depression  in  this  island  and  its  removal  by  the  intro- 
duction of  the  system  of  central  sugar  factories,  de- 
scribes the  situation  as  follows: 

“ . . . The  truth  is,  that  the  country  is  in  a piti- 
able condition.  Throughout  its  extent  it  resents  the 
many  drains  upon  its  vitality.  Its  strength  is  wasted, 
and  the  activities  that  utilized  its  favorable  natural 
conditions  are  paralyzed.  The  damages  sustained 

neither  capital  nor  other  means  to  replace  it.  Their  ruin  became 
inevitable.  An  English  or  German  syndicate  bought  up  the  bonds 
at  15  per  cent. 


178 


The  Dawn  of  Freedom 


have  been  enormous  and  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  ap- 
praise them  at  their  true  value.  With  the  produce  of 
the  soil  diminished  and  the  sale  thereof  at  losing 
prices  the  value  of  real  estate  throughout  the  island 
has  decreased  in  alarming  proportions.  Everybody’s 
resources  have  been  wasted  and  spent  uselessly,  and 
many  landholders,  wealthy  but  yesterday,  have  been 
ruined  if  not  reduced  to  misery.  The  leading  mer- 
chants and  proprietors,  men  who  were  identified  with 
the  progress  of  the  country  and  had  vast  resources  at 
their  command,  after  a long  and  tenacious  struggle 
have  succumbed  at  last  under  the  accumulation  of 
misfortunes  banded  against  them.” 

Such  was  the  situation  in  1880. 

To  relieve  the  financial  distress  of  the  country  a 
series  of  ordinances  were  enacted  ^ which  culminated 
in  the  reform  laws  of  March  15,  1895,  and  if  royal 
decrees  had  had  power  to  cure  the  incurable  or  remove 
the  causes  that  for  four  centuries  had  undermined  the 
foundations  of  Spain’s  colonial  empire,  they  might, 
possibly,  have  sustained  the  crumbling  edifice  for 
some  time  longer. 

But  they  came  too  late.  The  Antilles  were  slip- 
ping from  Spain’s  grasp;  nor  could  Weyler’s  inhuman 
proceedings  in  Cuba  nor  the  tardy  concession  of  a 
pseudo-autonomy  to  Puerto  Eico  arrest  the  move- 
ment. 

The  laws  of  March  15,  1895,  for  the  administra- 
tive reorganization  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Eico,  the 
basis  of  which  was  approved  by  a unanimous  vote 


* See  Part  II,  chapter  on  Finances. 

179 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

of  the  leaders  of  the  Peninsula  and  Antillean  parties 
in  Cortes,  remained  without  application  in  Cuba  be- 
cause of  the  insurrection,  and  in  Puerto  Rico  because 
of  the  influence  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  island 
of  the  events  in  the  neighboring  island. 

After  the  death  of  Maceo  and  of  Marti,  the  two 
most  influential  leaders  of  the  revolution,  and  the  ter- 
rible measures  for  suppressing  the  revolt  adopted  by 
Weyler,  the  Spanish  Colonial  Minister,  Don  Tomas 
Castellano  y Villaroya,  addressed  the  Queen  Re- 
gent December  31,  1896.  He  declared  his  belief  in 
the  proximate  pacification  of  Cuba,  and  said:  That 
the  moment  had  arrived  for  the  Government  to  show 
to  the  w'orld  (vide  licet  United  States)  its  firm  reso- 
lution to  comply  with  the  spontaneous  promises  made 
by  the  nation  by  introducing  and  amplifying  in 
Puerto  Rico  the  reforms  in  civil  government  and 
administration  which  had  been  voted  by  Cortes. 

He  further  stated  that  the  inconditional  party  in 
Puerto  Rico,  guided  by  the  patriotism  which  distin- 
guished it,  showed  its  complete  conformity  with  the 
reforms  proposed  fly  the  Government,  and  that  the 
“ autonomist  ” party,  which,  in  the  beginning,  looked 
upon  the  proposed  reforms  with  indifference,  had  also 
accepted  and  declared  its  conformity  with  them. 

Therefore,  the  minister  continued : “ It  would  not 
be  just  in  the  Government  to  indefinitely  postpone  the 
application  in  Puerto  Rico  of  a law  which  awakens 
so  many  hopes  of  a better  future.” 

The  minister  assures  the  Queen  Regent  that  the 
proposed  laws  respond  to  an  ample  spirit  of  decen- 
tralization, and  expresses  confidence  that,  as  soon  as 

180 


The  Dawn  of  Freedom 


possible,  her ‘Majesty  will  introduce  in  Cuba  also, 
not  only  the  reforms  intended  by  the  law  of  March 
15th,  but  will  extend  to  Puerto  Rico  the  promised 
measures  to  provide  the  Antilles  with  an  exclusively 
local  administration  and  economic  personnel.  “ The 
reform  laws,”  the  minister  adds,  “ will  be  the  founda- 
tion of  the  new  regimen,  but  an  additional  decree, 
to  be  laid  before  the  Cortes,  will  amplify  them  in 
such  a way  that  a truly  autonomous  administration 
will  be  established  in  our  Antilles.”  Then  follow  the 
proposed  laws,  which  are  to  apply,  explain,  and  com- 
plement in  Puerto  Rico,  the  reform  laws  of  March 
15  th — namely,  the  Provincial  law,  the  Municipal  law, 
and  the  Electoral  law. 

The  Peninsular  electoral  law  of  June,  1890,  was 
adapted  to  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico  at  the  suggestion 
of  Sagasta,  who,  in  the  exposition  to  the  Queen  Re- 
gent, which  accompanied  the  project  of  autonomy, 
stated:  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Antilles  fre- 
quently complained  of,  and  lamented  the  irritating 
inequalities  which  alone  were  enough  to  obstruct  or 
entirely  prevent  the  exercise  of  constitutional  privi- 
leges, and  he  concludes  with  these  remarkable  words : 
“ ...  So  that,  if  by  arbitrary  dispositions  without 
appeal,  by  penalties  imposed  by  proclamations  of  the 
governors-general,  or  by  simply  ignoring  the  laws  of 
procedure,  the  citizen  may  be  restrained,  harassed, 
deported  even  to  distant  territories,  it  is  impossible 
for  him  to  exercise  the  right  of  free  speech,  free 
thought,  or  free  writing,  or  the  freedom  of  instruc- 
tion, or  religious  tolerance,  nor  can  he  practise  the 
right  of  union  and  association.” 

181 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

These  words  constitute  a synopsis  of  the  causes 
that  made  the  Spanish  Government’s  tardy  attempts 
at  reform  in  the  administration  of  its  ultramarine 
possessions  illusive;  that  mocked  the  people’s  legiti- 
mate aspirations,  destroyed  their  confidence  in  the 
promises  of  the  home  Government,  and  made  the  peo- 
ple of  Puerto  Rico  look  upon  the  American  soldiers, 
when  they  landed,  not  as  men  in  search  of  conquest 
and  spoliation,  but  as  the  representatives  of  a nation 
enjoying  a full  measure  of  the  liberties  and  privi- 
leges, for  a moderate  share  of  which  they  had  vainly 
petitioned  the  mother  country  through  long  years  of 
unquestioning  loyalty. 

The  royal  decree  conceding  autonomy  to  Puerto 
Rico  was  signed  on  November  25,  1897.  On  April 
21,  1898,  Governor-General  Manuel  Macias,  suspend- 
ed the  constitutional  guarantees  and  declared  the 
island  in  state  of  war.  A few  months  later  Puerto 
Rico,  recognized  too  late  as  ripe  for  self-government 
by  the  mother  country,  became  a part  of  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States. 


182 


PAKT  II 

THE  PEOPLE  A]^D  THEIR 
HSSTITUTIONS 


183 


CHAPTER  XXVII 


SITUATION  AND  GENEEAL  APPEAKANCE  OF  PUERTO  EICO 

The  island  of  Puerto  Rico,  situate  in  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  is  about  1,420  miles  from  Xew  York,  1,000 
miles  from  Havana,  1,050  miles  from  Key  West, 
1,200  miles  from  Panama,  3,450  miles  from  Land’s 
End  in  England,  and  3,180  from  the  port  of  Cadiz. 
It  is  about  104  miles  in  length  from  east  to  west, 
by  34  miles  in  average  breadth,  and  has  an  area 
of  2,970  square  miles.  It  lies  eastward  of  the  other 
greater  Antilles,  Cuba,  Haiti,  and  Jamaica,  and  al- 
though inferior  even  to  the  last  of  these  islands  in 
population  and  extent,  it  yields  to  none  of  them  in 
fertility. 

By  its  geographical  position  Puerto  Rico  is  pe- 
culiarly adapted  to  become  the  center  of  an  extensive 
commerce.  It  lies  to  the  windward  of  Cuba,  Santo 
Domingo,  and  Jamaica,  and  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  Bay  of  Honduras.  It  is  contiguous  to  all  the 
English  and  French  Windward  Islands,  only  a few 
hours  distant  from  the  former  Danish  islands  Saint 
Thomas,  Saint  John,  and  Santa  Cruz,  and  a few  days’ 
sail  from  the  coast  of  Venezuela. 

Puerto  Rico  is  the  fourth  in  size  of  the  greater 
Antilles.  Its  first  appearance  to  the  eye  of  the 

185 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

stranger  is  striking  and  picturesque.  Nature  here 
offers  herself  to  his  contemplation  clothed  in  the 
splendid  vesture  of  tropical  vegetation.  The  chain  of 
mountains  which  intersects  the  island  from  east  to 
west  seems  at  first  sight  to  form  two  distinct  chains 
parallel  to  each  other,  but  closer  observation  makes 
it  evident  that  they  are  in  reality  corresponding  parts 
of  the  same  chain,  with  upland  valleys  and  table- 
lands in  the  center,  which  again  rise  gradually  and 
incorporate  themselves  with  the  higher  ridges.  The 
height  of  these  mountains  is  lofty,  if  compared  with 
those  of  the  other  Antilles.  The  loftiest  part  is  that 
of  Luguillo,  or  Loquillo,  at  the  northeast  extremity 
of  the  island,  which  measures  1,334  Castilian  yards, 
and  the  highest  point,  denominated  El  Yunque,  can  be 
seen  at  the  distance  of  68  miles  at  sea.  The  summit 
of  this  ridge  is  almost  always  enveloped  in  mist,  and 
when  its  sides  are  overhung  by  white  fleecy  clouds  it 
is  the  certain  precursor  of  the  heavy  showers  which 
fertilize  the  northern  coast.  The  soil  in  the  center 
of  the  mountains  is  excellent,  and  the  mountains 
themselves  are  susceptible  of  cultivation  to  their  sum- 
mits. Several  towns  and  villages  are  situated  among 
these  mountains,  where  the  inhabitants  enjoy  the 
coolness  of  a European  spring  and  a pure  and  salu- 
brious atmosphere.  The  towm  of  Aibonito,  built  on 
a table-land  about  eight  leagues  from  Ponce,  on  the 
southern  coast,  enjoys  a delightful  climate. 

To  the  north  and  south  of  this  interior  ridge  of 
mountains,  stretching  along  the  seacoasts,  are  the 
fertile  valleys  which  produce  the  chief  wealth  of  the 
island.  From  the  principal  chain  smaller  ridges  run 

186 


Physiography  of  Puerto  Rico 

north  and  south,  forming  between  them  innumerable 
valleys,  fertihzed  by  limpid  streams  which,  descend- 
ing from  the  mountains,  empty  themselves  into  the 
sea  on  either  coast.  In  these  valleys  the  majestic 
beauty  of  the  palm-trees,  the  pleasant  alternation  of 
hill  and  dale,  the  lively  verdure  of  the  hills,  com- 
pared with  the  deeper  tints  of  the  forest,  the  orange 
trees,  especially  wdien  covered  with  their  golden  fruit, 
the  rivers  winding  through  the  dales,  the  luxuriant 
fields  of  sugar-cane,  corn,  and  rice,  with  here  and 
there  a house  peeping  through  a grove  of  plantains, 
and  cattle  grazing  in  the  green  pasture,  form  alto- 
gether a landscape  of  rural  beauty  scarcely  to  be  sur- 
passed in  any  country  in  the  world. 

The  valleys  of  the  north  and  east  coasts  are  rich- 
est in  cattle  and  most  picturesque.  The  pasturage 
there  is  always  verdant  and  luxuriant,  while  those  of 
the  south  coast,  richer  in  sugar,  are  often  parched  by 
excessive  drought,  which,  howcA^er,  does  not  affect 
their  fertility,  for  water  is  found  near  the  siirface. 
This  same  alternation  of  rain  and  drought  on  the 
north  and  south  coasts  is  generally  observed  in  all 
the  West  India  islands. 

Few  islands  of  the  extent  of  Puerto  Rico  are 
watered  by  so  many  streams.  Seventeen  rivers,  ta- 
king their  rise  in  the  mountains,  cross  the  valleys  of 
the  north  coast  and  fall  into  the  sea.  Some  of  these 
are  navigable  for  two  or  three  leagues  from  their 
mouths  for  small  craft.  Those  of  Manati,  Loisa, 
Trabajo,  and  Arecibo  are  very  deep  and  broad,  and  it 
is  difficAilt  to  imagine  how  such  large  bodies  of  water 
can  he  collected  in  so  short  a course.  Owing  to  the 

187 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

heavy  surf  which  continually  breaks  on  the  north 
coast,  these  rivers  have  bars  across  their  embouchures 
which  do  not  allow  large  vessels  to  enter.  The  rivers 
of  Bayamon  and  Rio  Piedras  flow  into  the  harbor  of 
the  capital,  and  are  also  navigable  for  boats.  At 
Arecibo,  at  high  water,  small  brigs  may  enter  with 
perfect  safety,  notwithstanding  the  bar.  The  south, 
west,  and  east  coasts  are  also  well  supplied  with  water. 

From  the  Cabeza  de  San  Juan,  which  is  the  north- 
east extremity  of  the  island,  to  Cape  Mala  Pascua, 
which  lies  to  the  southeast,  nine  rivers  fall  into  the 
sea.  From  Cape  Mala  Pascua  to  Point  Aguila,  which 
forms  the  southwest  angle  of  the  island,  sixteen  rivers 
discharge  their  waters  on  the  south  coast. 

On  the  west  coast,  three  rivers,  five  rivulets,  and 
several  fresh-water  lakes  communicate  with  the  sea. 
The  rivers  of  the  north  coast  are  well  stocked  with 
edible  fish. 

The  roads  formed  in  Puerto  Rico  during  the 
Spanish  administration  are  constructed  on  a substan- 
tial plan,  the  center  being  filled  with  gravel  and 
stones  well  cemented.  Each  town  made  and  repaired 
the  roads  of  its  respective  district.  Many  excellent 
and  solid  bridges,  with  stone  abutments,  existed  at 
the  time  of  the  transfer  of  the  island  to  the  American 
nation. 

The  whole  line  of  coast  of  this  island  is  indented 
with  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks  where  ships  of  heavy 
draft  may  come  to  anchor.  On  the  north  coast,  dur- 
ing the  months  of  November,  December,  and  Janu- 
ary, when  the  wind  blows  sometimes  with  violence 
from  the  east  and  northeast,  the  anchorage  is  dan- 

188 


Physiography  of  Puerto  Rico 

gerous  in  all  the -» bays  and  harbors  of  that  coast, 
except  in  the  port  of  San  Juan. 

On  the  western  coast  the  spacious  bay  of  Agua- 
dilla  is  formed  by  Cape  Borrigua  and  Cape  San  Fran- 
cisco. When  the  southeast  winds  prevail  it  is  not 
a safe  anchorage  for  ships. 

Mayaguez  is  also  an  open  roadstead  on  the  west 
coast  formed  by  two  projecting  capes.  It  has  good 
anchorage  for  vessels  of  large  size  and  is  well  shel- 
tered from  the  north  winds. 

The  south  coast  also  abounds  in  bays  and  harbors, 
but  those  which  deserve  particular  attention  are  the 
ports  of  Guanica  and  Hobos,  or  Jovos,  near  Guaya- 
ma.  In  Guanica  vessels  drawing  21  feet  of  w’ater  may 
enter  with  perfect  safety  and  anchor  close  to  the 
shore.  Ilobos  or  Jovos  is  a haven  of  consideralJe 
importance;  sailing  vessels  of  the  largest  class  may 
anchor  and  ride  in  safety;  it  has  4 fathoms  of  water  in 
the  shallowest  part  of  the  entrance,  but  it  is  difficult 
to  enter  from  June  to  November  as  the  sea  breaks 
with  violence  at  the  entrance  on  account  of  the  south- 
erly winds  which  prevail  at  this  season. 

All  the  large  islands  in  the  tropics  enjoy  approxi- 
mately the  same  climate.  The  heat,  the  rains,  the 
seasons,  are,  with  trifling  variations,  the  same  in  all, 
but  the  number  of  mountains  and  running  streams, 
the  absence  of  stagnant  waters  and  general  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land  in  Piierto  Rico  do,  probably,  power- 
fully contribute  to  purify  the  atmosphere  and  ren- 
der it  more  salubrious  to  Europeans  than  it  other- 
wise would  be.  In  the  mountains  one  enjoys  the 
coolness  of  spring,  but  the  valleys,  were  it  not  for  the 

189 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

daily  breeze  which  blows  from  the  northeast  and  east, 
would  be  almost  uninhabitable  for  white  men  during 
part  of  the  year.  The  climate  of  the  north  and  south 
coasts  of  this  island,  though  under  the  same  tropical 
influence,  is  nevertheless  essentially  different.  On 
the  north  coast  it  sometimes  rains  almost  the  whole 
year,  while  on  the  south  coast  sometimes  no  rain 
falls  for  twelve  or  fourteen  months.  On  the  whole, 
Puerto  Rico  is  one  of  the  healthiest  islands  in  the 
West  Indies,  nor  is  it  infested  to  the  same  extent  as 
other  islands  by  poisonous  snakes  and  other  noxious 
reptiles.  The  laborer  may  sleep  in  peace  and  security 
in  the  midst  of  the  forest,  by  the  side  of  the  river,  or 
in  the  meadow  with  his  cattle  with  no  other  fear  than 
that  of  an  occasional  centipede  or  guabua  (large  hairy 
spider). 

Unlike  most  tropical  islands  there  are  no  indig- 
enous quadrupeds  and  scarcely  any  of  the  feathered 
tribe  in  the  forests.  On  the  rivers  there  are  a few 
water-fowl  and  in  the  forests  the  green  parrot.  There 
are  neither  monkeys  nor  rabbits,  but  rats  and  mon- 
gooses infest  the  country  and  sometimes  commit 
dreadful  ravages  in  the  sugar-cane.  Ants  of  differ- 
ent species  also  abound. 


190 


CHAPTER  XXYin 


ORIGIN,  CHARACTER,  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  PRIMITIVE 
INHABITANTS  OF  BORIQUEN 

The  origin  of  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the 
West  Indian  Archipelago  has  been  the  subject  of 
much  learned  controversy,  ending,  like  all  such  dis- 
cussions, in  different  theories  and  more  or  less  veri- 
similar conjecture. 

It  appears  that  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  these 
islands  were  inhabited  by  three  races  of  different  ori- 
gin. One  of  these  races  occupied  the  Bahamas. 
Columbus  describes  them  as  simple,  generous,  peace- 
ful creatures,  whose  only  weapon  was  a pointed 
stick  or  cane.  They  were  of  a light  copper  color, 
well-proportioned  but  slender,  rather  good-looking, 
with  aquiline  noses,  salient  cheek-bones,  medium- 
sized mouths,  long  coarse  hair.  They  had,  perhaps, 
formerly  occupied  the  eastern  part  of  the  archipel- 
ago, whence  they  had  gradually  disappeared,  driven 
or  exterminated  by  the  Caribs,  Caribos,  or  Guari- 
bos,  a savage,  warlike,  and  cruel  race,  which  had  in- 
vaded the  AVest  Indies  from  the  continent  by  way  of 
the  Orinoco,  along  the  tributaries  of  which  river  tribes 
of  the  same  race  are  still  to  be  found.  The  larger 
Antilles,  Cuba,  Santo  Domingo,  and  Puerto  Rico, 
14  191 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

were  occupied  by  a race  which  probably  originated 
from  some  part  of  the  southern  division  of  the  north- 
ern continent.  The  chroniclers  mention  the  Ouay- 
cures  and  others  as  their  possible  ancestors,  and  Stahl 
traces  their  origin  to  a mixture  of  the  Phoenicians 
with  the  aborigines  of  remote  antiquity. 

The  information  which  we  possess  with  regard 
to  the  habits  and  customs  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bori- 
quen  at  the  time  of  discovery  is  too  scanty  and  too 
unreliable  to  permit  us  to  form  more  than  a specu- 
lative opinion  of  the  degree  of  culture  attained  by 
them. 

Friar  Abbad,  in  the  fourth  chapter  of  his  his- 
tory, gives  us  a description  of  the  character  and 
customs  of  the  people  of  Boriquen  taken  wholly  from 
the  works  of  Oviedo,  Herrera,  Robertson,  Raynal, 
and  others. 

Like  most  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Amer- 
ica, the  natives  of  Boriquen  were  copper-colored,  but 
somewhat  darker  than  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 
boring islands.  They  were  shorter  of  stature  than 
the  Spaniards,  but  corpulent  and  well-proportioned, 
with  flat  noses,  wide  nostrils,  dull  eyes,  bad  teeth,  nar- 
row foreheads,  the  skull  artiflcially  flattened  before 
and  behind  so  as  to  give  it  a conical  shape,  with  long, 
black,  coarse  hair,  beardless  and  hairless  on  the  rest 
of  the  body.  Says  Oviedo:  “ . . . Their  heads  were 
not  like  other  people’s,  their  skulls  were  so  hard  and 
thick  that  the  Christians  by  fighting  with  them  have 
learned  not  to  strike  them  on  the  head  because  the 
swords  break.” 

Their  whole  appearance  betrayed  a lazy,  indolent 
192 


primitive  Inhabitants  of  Boriquen 

habit,  and  they  showed  extreme  aversion  to  labor  or 
fatigue  of  any  kind.  They  put  forth  no  exertion  save 
what  was  necessary  to  obtain  food,  and  only  rose  from 
their  “ hamacas  ” or  “ jamacas,”  or  shook  off  their 
habitual  indolence  to  play  a game  of  ball  (batey)  or 
attend  the  dances  (areytos)  which  were  accompanied 
by  rude  music  and  the  chanting  of  whatever  hap- 
pened to  occupy  their  minds  at  the  time. 

Notwithstanding  their  indolence  and  the  unsub- 
stantial nature  of  their  food,  they  were  eomjDaratively 
strong  and  robust,  as  they  proved  in  many  a personal 
tussle  with  the  Spaniards. 

Clothing  was  almost  unknown.  Only  the  women 
of  mature  age  used  an  apron  of  varying  length,  the 
rest,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  w^ere  naked. 
They  took  great  pains  in  painting  their  bodies  with 
all  sorts  of  grotesque  figures,  the  earthy  coloring  mat- 
ter being  laid  on  by  means  of  oily  or  resinous  sub- 
stances extracted  from  plants  or  trees. 

These  coats  of  paint,  when  fresh,  served  as  holi- 
day attire,  and  protected  them  from  the  bites  of  mos- 
quitoes and  other  insects.  The  dandies  among  them 
added  to  this  airy  apparel  a few  bright  feathers  in 
their  hair,  a shell  or  two  in  their  ears  and  nostrils. 
And  the  caciques  wore  a disk  of  gold  (guarim)  the 
size  of  a large  medal  round  their  necks  to  denote 
their  rank. 

The  huts  were  built  square  or  oblong,  raised  some- 
what above  the  ground,  with  only  one  opening  for 
entrance  and  exit,  cane  being  the  principal  building 
material.  The  chief  piece  of  furniture  was  the  “ ha- 
maca,”  made  with  creepers  or  strips  of  bark  of  the 

193 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

“ emajagua  ” tree.  The  “ totumo  ” or  “ jigiiera  ” 
furnished  them  with  their  domestic  utensils,  as  it 
furnishes  the  “ jibaro  ” of  to-day  with  his  cups  and 
jugs  and  basins.  Their  mode  of  making  fire  was  the 
universal  one  practised  by  savages.  Their  arms  were 
the  usual  macana  and  bow  and  arrows,  but  they  did 
not  poison  the  arrows  as  did  the  Caribs.  The  largest 
of  their  canoes,  or  “ piraguas,”  could  contain  from 
40  to  50  men,  and  served  for  purposes  of  war,  but 
the  majority  of  their  canoes  were  of  small  size  used  in 
navigating  the  coast  and  rivers. 

There  being  no  mammals  in  the  island,  they  knew 
not  the  use  of  flesh  for  food,  but  they  had  abundance 
of  fish,  and  they  ate  besides  whatever  creeping  or 
crawling  thing  they  happened  to  find.  These  with 
the  yucca  from  which  they  made  their  casabe  or 
bread,  maize,  yams,  and  other  edible  roots,  consti- 
tuted their  food  supply. 

There  were  in  Boriquen,  as  there  are  among  all 
primitive  races,  certain  individuals,  the  embryos  of 
future  church  functionaries,  who  were  medicine-man, 
priest,  prophet,  and  general  director  of  the  moral 
and  intellectual  affairs  of  the  benighted  masses,  but 
that  is  all  we  know  of  them.^ 


* For  further  information  on  this  subject,  see  Estudios  Eth- 
nologicos  sobre  los  indios  Borinquenos,  by  A.  Stahl,  1888.  Re- 
vista PuertoriqueSa,  Afio  II,  tomo  II. 


194 


CHAPTER  XXIX 


THE  “ JIBAEO/’  OK  PUERTO  KICAJT  PEASANT 

‘‘  There  is  in  this  island  a class  of  inhabitants, 
not  the  least  numerous  by  any  means,  who  dwell  in 
swamps  and  marshes,  live  on  vegetables,  and  drink 
muddy  water.”  So  wrote  Dr.  Richard  Rey  ^ a couple 
of  decades  ago,  and,  although,  under  the  changed 
political  and  social  conditions,  these  people,  as  a class, 
will  soon  disappear,  they  are  quite  numerous  still, 
and  being  the  product  of  the  peculiar  social  and  polit- 
ical conditions  of  a past  era  deserve  to  be  known. 

To  this  considerable  part  of  the  population  of 
Puerto  Rico  the  name  of  “ jibaros  ” is  applied;  they 
are  the  descendants  of  the  settlers  who  in  the  early 
days  of  the  colonization  of  the  island  spread  through 
the  interior,  and  with  the  assistance  of  an  Indian  or 
negro  slave  or  two  cleared  and  cultivated  a piece  of 
land  in  some  isolated  locality,  where  they  continued 
to  live  from  day  to  day  without  troubling  themselves 
about  the  future  or  about  what  passed  in  the  rest  of 
the  universe. 

The  modern  jibaro  builds  his  “ bohio,”  or  hut,  in 
any  place  without  regard  to  hygienic  conditions,  and 


* Estudio  sobre  el  paludismo  en  Puerto  Rico. 

195 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

in  its  construction  follows  the  same  plan  and  uses  the 
same  materials  employed  in  their  day  by  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants.  This  “ bohio  ” is  square  or  oblong  in 
form,  raised  on  posts  two  or  three  feet  from  the 
ground,  and  the  materials  are  cane,  the  trunks  of  the 
coco-palm,  entire  or  cut  into  boards,  and  the  bark 
of  another  species  of  palm,  the  “ yaguas,”  which 
serves  for  roofing  and  walls.  The  interior  of  these 
huts  is  sometimes  divided  by  a partition  of  reeds 
into  two  apartments,  in  one  of  which  the  family  sit 
by  day.  The  other  is  the  sleeping  room,  where  the 
father,  mother,  and  children,  male  and  female,  of  all 
ages,  sleep,  promiscuously  huddled  together  on  a plat- 
form of  boards  or  bar  bacao. 

The  majority  of  the  jibaros  are  whites.  Mesti- 
zoes, mulattos,  and  negroes  are  numerous  also.  But 
we  are  here  concerned  with  the  jibaro  of  European 
descent  only,  whose  redemption  from  a degraded  con- 
dition of  existence  it  is  to  the  country’s  interest  should 
be  specially  attended  to. 

Mr.  Francisco  del  Yalle  Atiles,  one  of  Puerto 
Pico’s  distinguished  literary  men,  has  left  us  a circum- 
stantial description  of  the  character  and  conditions 
of  these  rustics.^  He  divides  them  into  three  groups: 
those  living  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  large  sugar 
and  cotfee  estates,  who  earn  their  living  working  as 
peons;  the  second  group  comprises  the  small  proprie- 
tors who  cultivate  their  own  patch  of  land,  and  the 
third,  the  comparatively  well-to-do  individuals  or 


* El  campesino  Puertoriqueno,  sus  condiciones,  etc.  Re- 
vista Puertoriquena,  vols.  ii,  iii,  1887,  1888. 

196 


The  Puerto  Rican  Peasant 


small  proprietors  who  usually  prefer  to  live  as  far  as 
possible  from  the  centers  of  population. 

The  jibaro,  as  a rule,  is  well  formed,  slender,  of 
a delicate  constitution,  slow  in  his  movements,  taci- 
turn, and  of  a sickly  aspect.  Occasionally,  in  the 
mountainous  districts,  one  meets  a man  of  advanced 
age  still  strong  and  robust  doing  daily  work  and 
mounting  on  horseback  without  effort.  Such  a one 
will  generally  be  found  to  be  of  pure  Spanish  descent, 
and  to  have  a numerous  family  of  healthy,  good-look- 
ing children,  but  the  appearance  of  the  average  jibaro 
is  as  described.  lie  looks  sickly  and  anemic  in  con- 
sequence of  the  insufficient  quantity  and  innutritions 
quality  of  the  food  on  which  he  subsists  and  the  un- 
healthy conditions  of  his  surroundings.  Rice,  plan- 
tains, sweet  potatoes,  maize,  yams,  beans,  and  salted 
fish  constitute  his  diet  year  in  year  out,  and  although 
there  are  Indian  races  who  could  thrive  perhaps  on 
such  frugal  fare,  the  effect  of  such  a regime  on  indi- 
viduals of  the  white  race  is  loss  of  muscular  energy 
and  a consequent  craving  for  stimulants. 

Plis  clothing,  too,  is  scanty.  He  wears  no  shoes, 
and  when  drenched  with  rain  or  perspiration  he  will 
probably  let  his  garments  dry  on  his  body.  For  the 
empty  feeling  in  his  stomach,  the  damp  and  the  cold 
to  which  he  is  thus  daily  exposed,  his  antidotes  are  to- 
bacco and  rum,  the  first  he  chews  and  smokes.  In  the 
use  of  the  second  he  seldom  goes  to  the  extent  of  in- 
toxication. 

Under  these  conditions,  and  considering  his  abso- 
lute ignorance  and  conseqiient  neglect  of  the  laws  of 
hygiene,  it  is  but  natural  that  the  Puerto  Rican  peas- 

197 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

ant  should  be  subject  to  the  ravages  of  paludal  fever, 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  of  the  endemic  diseases  of 
the  tropics. 

Friar  Abbad  observes:  . I^o  cure  has  yet 

been  discovered  (1781)  for  the  intermittent  fevers 
which  are  often  from  four  to  six  years  in  duration. 
Those  who  happen  to  get  rid  of  them  recover  very 
slowly;  many  remain  weak  and  attenuated;  the  want 
of  nutritious  food  and  the  climate  conduce  to  one  dis- 
ease or  another,  so  that  those  who  escape  the  fever 
generally  die  of  dropsy.” 

However,  the  at  first  sight  apathetic  and  weak 
jibaro,  when  roused  to  exertion  or  when  stimulated 
by  personal  interest  or  passion,  can  display  remark- 
able powers  of  endurance.  Xotwithstanding  his  repu- 
tation of  being  lazy,  he  will  work  ten  or  eleven 
hours  a day  if  fairly  remunerated.  Under  the  Span- 
ish regime,  when  he  was  forced  to  present  himself  on 
the  plantations  to  work  for  a few  cents  from  sunrise 
to  sundown,  he  was  slow;  or  if  he  was  of  the  small 
proprietor  class,  he  had  to  pay  an  enormous  municipal 
tax  on  his  scanty  produce,  so  that  it  is  very  likely 
that  he  may  often  have  preferred  swinging  in  his 
hammock  to  laboring  in  the  fields  for  the  benefit  of 
the  municipal  treasury. 

Mr.  Atiles  refers  to  the  premature  awakening 
among  the  rustic  population  of  this  island  of  the  pro- 
creative  instincts,  and  the  consequent  increase  in  their 
numbers  notwithstanding  the  high  rate  of  mortality. 
The  fecundity  of  the  women  is  notable;  from  six  to 
ten  children  in  a family  seems  to  be  the  normal 
number. 


198 


A tienda,  or  small  shop. 


The  Puerto  Rican  Peasant 


Intellectually  the  jibaro  is  as  poor  as  he  is  physic- 
ally. His  illiteracy  is  complete;  his  speech  is  noto- 
riously incorrect;  his  songs,  if  not  of  a silly,  mean- 
ingless character,  are  often  obscene;  sometimes  they 
betray  the  existence  of  a poetic  sentiment.  These 
songs  are  usually  accompanied  by  the  music  of  a 
stringed  instrument  of  the  guitar  kind  made  by  the 
musician  himself,  to  which  is  added  the  giiiro,”  a 
kind  of  ribbed  gourd  which  is  scraped  with  a small 
stick  to  the  measure  of  the  tune,  and  produces  a noise 
very  trying  to  the  nerves  of  a person  not  accustomed 
to  it. 

In  religion  the  jibaro  professes  Catholicism  with 
a large  admixture  of  fetichism.  His  moral  sense  is 
blunt  in  many  respects. 

Colonel  Flinter  ^ gives  the  following  description 
of  the  jibaros  of  his  day,  which  also  applies  to  them 
to-day: 

“ They  are  very  civil  in  their  manners,  but, 
though  they  seem  all  simplicity  and  humility,  they  are 
so  acute  in  their  dealings  that  they  are  sure  to  deceive 
a person  who  is  not  very  guarded.  Although  they 
would  scorn  to  commit  a robbery,  yet  they  think  it 
only  fair  to  deceive  or  overreach  in  a bargain.  Like 
the  peasantry  of  Ireland,  they  are  proverbial  for 
their  hospitality,  and,  like  them,  they  are  ever  ready 
to  fight  on  the  slightest  provocation.  They  swing 
themselves  to  and  fro  in  their  hammocks  all  day  long, 
smoking  their  cigars  or  scraping  a guitar.  The  plan- 


* An  Account  of  the  Present  State  of  the  Island  of  Puerto 
Rico.  London,  1834. 


HI9 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

tain  grove  which  surrounds  their  houses,  and  the 
coffee  tree  which  grows  almost  without  cultivation, 
afford  them  a frugal  subsistence.  If  with  these  they 
have  a cow  and  a horse,  they  consider  themselves  rich 
and  happy.  Happy  indeed  they  are;  they  feel  neither 
the  pangs  nor  remorse  which  follow  the  steps  of  dis- 
appointed ambition  nor  the  daily  wants  experienced 
by  the  poor  inhabitants  of  northern  regions.” 

This  entirely  materiahstic  conception  of  happi- 
ness which,  it  is  certain,  the  Puerto  Rican  peasant 
still  entertains,  is  now  giving  way  slowly  but  surely 
before  the  new  influences  that  are  being  brought  to 
bear  on  himself  and  on  his  surroundings.  The  touch 
of  education  is  dispelling  the  darkness  of  ignorance 
that  enveloped  the  rural  districts  of  this  island  until 
lately;  industrial  activity  is  placing  the  means  of 
greater  comfort  within  the  reach  of  every  one  who 
cares  to  work  for  them;  the  observance  of  the  laws 
of  health  is  beginning  to  be  enforced,  even  in  the 
bohio,  and  with  them  will  come  a greater  morality. 
In  a word,  in  ten  years  the  Puerto  Rican  jibaro  will 
have  disappeared,  and  in  his  place  there  will  be  an 
industrious,  well-behaved,  and  no  longer  illiterate 
class  of  field  laborers,  with  a nobler  conception  of 
happiness  than  that  to  which  they  have  aspired  for 
many  generations. 


200 


CHAPTEK  XXX 


ORIGIN  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THE  MODERN  INHABITANTS 
OF  PUERTO  RICO 

During  the  initial  period  of  conquest  and  coloni- 
zation, no  Spanish  females  came  to  this  or  any  other 
of  the  conquered  territories.  Soldiers,  mariners, 
monks,  and  adventurers  brought  no  families  with 
them;  so  that  by  the  side  of  the  aboriginals  and  the 
Spaniards  “ pur  sang  ” there  sprang  up  an  indige- 
nous population  of  mestizos. 

The  result  of  the  union  of  two  physically,  ethic- 
ally, and  intellectually  widely  differing  races  is  not 
the  transmission  to  the  progeny  of  any  or  all  of  the 
superior  qualities  of  the  progenitor,  but  rather  his 
own  moral  degradation.  The  mestizos  of  Spanish 
America,  the  Eurasians  of  the  East  Indies,  the  mu- 
lattoes  of  Africa  are  moral,  as  well  as  physical 
hybrids  in  whose  character,  as  a rule,  the  worst  quali- 
ties of  the  two  races  from  which  they  spring  pre- 
dominate. It  is  only  in  'subsequent  generations, 
after  oft-repeated  crossings  and  recrossings,  that 
atavism  takes  place,  or  that  the  fusion  of  the  two 
races  is  finally  consummated  through  the  preponder- 
ance of  the  physiological  attributes  of  the  ancestor 
of  superior  race. 


201 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

The  early  introduction  of  negro  slaves,  almost  ex- 
clusively males,  the  affinity  between  them  and  the 
Indians,  the  state  of  common  servitude  and  close, 
daily  contact  produced  another  race.  By  the  side  of 
the  mestizo  there  grew  up  the  zambo.  Later,  when 
negro  women  were  brought  from  Santo  Domingo  or 
other  islands,  the  mulatto  was  added. 

Considering  the  class  to  which  the  majority 
of  the  first  Spanish  settlers  in  this  island  belonged, 
the  social  status  resulting  from  these  additions  to 
their  number  could  be  but  little  superior  to  that  of 
the  aboriginals  themselves. 

The  necessity  of  raising  that  status  by  the  intro- 
duction of  white  married  couples  was  manifest  to  the 
king’s  officers  in  the  island,  who  asked  the  Govern- 
ment in  1534  to  send  them  50  such  couples.  It  was 
not  done.  Fifty  bachelors  came  instead,  whose  arri- 
val lowered  the  moral  standard  still  further. 

It  was  late  in  the  island’s  history  before  the  influx 
of  respectable  foreigners  and  their  families  began  to 
diffuse  a higher  ethical  tone  among  the  creoles  of  the 
better  class.  Unfortunately,  the  daily  contact  of  the 
lower  and  middle  classes  with  the  soldiers  of  the  gar- 
rison did  not  tend  to  improve  their  character  and 
manners,  and  the  effects  of  this  contact  are  clearly 
traceable  to-day  in  the  manners  and  language  of  the 
common  people. 

From  the  crossings  in  the  first  degree  of  the 
Indian,  negro,  and  white  races,  and  their  subsequent 
recrossings,  there  arose  in  course  of  time  a mixed 
race  of  so  many  gradations  of  color  that  it  became 
difficult  in  many  instances  to  tell  from  the  outward 

202 


Modern  Inhabitants  of  Puerto  Rico 


appearance  of  an  individual  to  what  original  stock 
he  belonged;  and,  it  being  the  established  rule  in  all 
Spanish  colonies  to  grant  no  civil  or  military  employ- 
ment above  a certain  grade  to  any  but  Peninsulars  or 
their  descendants  of  pure  blood,  it  became  necessary 
to  demand  from  every  candidate  documentary  evi- 
dence that  he  had  no  Indian  or  negro  blood  in  his 
veins.  This  was  called  presenting  an  “ expediente 
de  sangre,”  and  the  practise  remained  in  force  till  the 
year  1870,  when  Marshal  Serrano  abolished  it. 

Whether  it  be  due  to  atavism,  or  whether,  as  is 
more  likely,  the  Indians  did  not  really  become  extinct 
till  much  later  than  the  period  at  which  it  is  generally 
supposed  their  final  fusion  into  the  two  exotic  races 
took  place,* *  it  is  certain  that  Indian  characteristics, 
physical  and  ethical,  still  largely  prevail  among  the 
rural  population  of  Puerto  Rico,  as  observed  by 
Schoelzer  and  other  ethnologists. 

The  evolution  of  a new  type  of  life  is  now  in 
course  of  process.  In  the  meantime,  we  have  Mr. 
Salvador  Bran’s  authority  ^ for  stating  the  general 
character  of  the  present  generation  of  Puerto  Ricans 
to  be  made  up  of  the  distinctive  qualities  of  the  three 
races  from  which  they  are  descended,  to  wit:  indo- 
lence, taciturnity,  sobriety,  disinterestedness,  hospital- 
ity, inherited  from  their  Indian  ancestors;  physical 
endurance,  sensuality,  and  fatalism  from  their  negro 
progenitors;  and  love  of  display,  love  of  country,  inde- 


' Abbad  points  out  that  in  1710-’20  there  were  still  two  In- 
dian settlements  in  the  neighborhood  of  AHasco  and  San  German. 

* Puerto  Rico  y su  historia,  p.  369. 

203 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

pendence,  devotion,  perseverance,  and  chivalry  from 
their  Spanish  sires. 

A somewhat  sarcastic  reference  to  the  character- 
istics due  to  the  Spanish  blood  in  them  was  made  in 
1644  by  Bishop  Damian  de  Haro  in  a letter  to  a 
friend,  wherein,  speaking  of  his  diocesans,  he  says 
that  they  are  of  very  ehivalric  extraction,  for,  “ he 
who  is  not  descended  from  the  House  of  Austria  is  re- 
lated to  the  Dauphin  of  France  or  to  Charlemagne.” 
He  draws  an  amusing  picture  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  capital,  saying  that  at  the  time  there  were  about 
200  males  and  4,000  women  between  black  and 
mulatto.”  He  complains  that  there  are  no  grapes  in 
the  country;  that  the  melons  are  red,  and  that  the 
butcher  retails  turtle  meat  instead  of  beef  or  pork; 
yet,  says  he,  ‘‘  my  table  is  a bishop’s  table  for  all 
that.” 

To  a lady  in  Santo  Domingo  he  sent  the  follow- 
ing sonnet ; 

This  is  a small  island,  lady, 

With  neither  money  nor  provisions  ; 

The  blacks  go  naked  as  they  do  yonder, 

And  there  ’re  more  people  in  the  Seville  prison. 

The  Castilian  coats  of  arms 
Are  conspicuous  by  their  absence. 

But  there  are  plenty  cavaliers 
Who  deal  in  hides  and  ginger, 

There’s  water  in  the  tanks,  when ’t  rains, 

A catliedral,  but  no  priests. 

Handsome  women,  but  not  elegant. 

Greed  and  envy  are  indigenous. 

Plenty  of  heat  and  palm-tree  shade. 

And  best  of  all  a refreshing  breeze. 

204 


Modern  Inhabitants  of  Puerto  Rico 


Of  the  moral  defects  of  the  people  it  would  be 
invidious  to  speak.  The  lower  classes  are  not  remark- 
able for  their  respect  for  the  property  of  others.  On 
the  subject  of  morality  among  the  rural  population 
we  may  cite  Count  de  Caspe,  the  governor’s  report  to 
the  king;  . . Destitute  as  they  are  of  religious  in- 
struction and  moral  restraint,  their  unions  are  with- 
out the  sanction  of  religious  or  civil  law,  and  last  just 
as  long  as  their  sensual  appetites  last;  it  may  there- 
fore be  truly  said,  that  in  the  rural  districts  of  Puerto 
Kico  the  family,  morally  constituted,  does  not  exist.” 

Colonel  Flinter’s  account  of  the  people  and  social 
conditions  of  Puerto  Rico  in  1834  is  a rather  flatter- 
ing one,  though  he  acknowledges  that  the  island  had 
a had  reputation  on  account  of  the  lawless  character 
of  the  lower  class  of  inhabitants. 

All  this  has  greatly  changed  for  the  better,  but 
much  remains  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  moral  im- 
provement. 


205 


CHAPTER  XXXI 


NEGRO  SLAVERY  IN  PUERTO  RICO 

From  the  early  days  of  the  conquest  the  black 
race  appeared  side  by  side  with  the  white  race.  Both 
supplanted  the  native  race,  and  both  have  marched 
parallel  ever  since,  sometimes  separately,  sometimes 
mixing  their  blood. 

The  introduction  of  African  negroes  into  Puerto 
Rico  made  the  institution  of  slavery  permanent.  It 
is  true  that  King  Ferdinand  ordered  the  reduction  to 
slavery  of  all  rebellious  Indians  in  1511,  but  he  re- 
voked the  order  the  next  year.  The  negro  was  and 
remained  a slave.  For  centuries  he  had  been  looked 
upon  as  a special  creation  for  the  purpose  of  servi- 
tude, and  the  Spaniards  were  accustomed  to  see  him 
daily  offered  for  sale  in  the  markets  of  Andalusia. 

Xotwithstanding  the  practical  reduction  to  sla- 
very of  the  Indians  of  la  Espahola  by  Columbus, 
under  the  title  of  “ repartimientos,”  negro  slaves 
were  introduced  into  that  island  as  early  as  1502, 
when  a certain  Juan  Sanchez  and  Alfonso  Bravo  re- 
ceived royal  permission  to  carry  five  caravels  of  slaves 
to  the  newly  discovered  island.  Ovando,  who  was 
governor  at  the  time,  protested  strongly  on  the 
ground  that  the  negroes  escaped  to  the  forests  and 

206 


Negro  Slavery  in  Puerto  Rico 

mountains,  where  they  joined  the  rebellious  or  fugi- 
tive Indians  and  made  their  subjugation  much  more 
difficult.  The  same  thing  happened  later  in  San  Juan. 

In  this  island  special  permission  was  necessary 
to  introduce  negroes.  Sedeno  and  the  smelter  of 
ores,  Giron,  who  came  here  in  1510,  made  oath  that 
the  two  slaves  each  brought  with  them  were  for  their 
personal  service  only.  In  1513  their  general  intro- 
duction was  authorized  by  royal  schedule  on  pay- 
ment of  two  ducats  per  head. 

Cardinal  Cisneros  prohibited  the  export  of  negro 
slaves  from  Spain  in  1516;  but  the  efforts  of  Father 
Las  Casas  to  alleviate  the  lot  of  the  Indians  by  the 
introduction  of  what  he  believed,  with  the  rest  of  his 
contemporaries,  to  be  providentially  ordained  slaves, 
obtained  from  Charles  II  a concession  in  favor  of 
Garrebod,  the  king’s  high  steward,  to  ship  4,000 
negroes  to  la  Espanola,  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico,  and  Ja- 
maica (1517).  Garrebod  sold  the  concession  to  some 
merchants  of  Genoa. 

With  the  same  view  of  saving  the  Indians,  the 
Jerome  fathers,  who  governed  the  Antilles  in  1518, 
requested  the  emperor’s  permission  to  fit  out  slave- 
ships  themselves  and  send  them  to  the  coast  of  Africa 
for  negroes.  It  appears  that  this  permission  was  not 
granted;  but  in  1528  another  concession  to  introduce 
4,000  negroes  into  the  Antilles  was  given  to  some 
Germans,  who,  however,  did  not  comply  with  the 
terms  of  the  contract. 

Negroes  were  scarce  and  dear  in  San  Juan  at  this 
period,  which  caused  the  authorities  to  petition  the 
emperor  for  permission  to  each  settler  to  bring  two 
15  207 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

slaves  free  of  duty,  and,  this  being  granted,  it  gave 
rise  to  abuse,  as  the  city  officers  in  their  address  of 
thanks  to  the  empress,  stated  at  the  same  time  that 
many  took  advantage  of  the  privilege  to  transfer  or 
sell  their  permit  in  Seville  without  coming  to  the 
island.  Then  it  was  enacted  that  slaves  should  be  in- 
troduced only  by  authorized  traffickers,  who  soon 
raised  the  price  to  60  or  70  Castilian  dollars  per 
head.  The  crown  officers  in  the  island  protested,  and 
asked  that  every  settler  might  be  permitted  to  bring 
10  or  12  negroes,  paying  the  duty  of  2 ducats  per 
head,  which  had  been  imposed  by  King  Ferdinand  in 
1513.  A new  deposit  of  gold  had  been  discovered 
about  this  time  (1533),  and  the  hope  that  others 
might  be  found  now  induced  the  colonists  to  buy 
the  negroes  from  the  authorized  traders  on  credit  at 
very  high  prices,  to  be  paid  with  the  gold  which  the 
slaves  should  be  made  instrumental  in  discovering. 
But  the  longed-for  metal  did  not  appear.  The  pur- 
chasers could  not  pay.  Many  had  their  property  em- 
bargoed and  sold,  and  were  ruined.  Some  were  im- 
prisoned, others  escaped  to  the  mountains  or  left  the 
island. 

From  1536  to  1553  the  authorities  kept  asking 
for  negroes;  sometimes  offering  to  pay  duty,  at  others 
soliciting  their  free  introduction;  now  complaining 
that  the  colonists  escaped  with  their  slaves  to  Mexico 
and  Peru,  then  lamenting  that  the  German  mer- 
chants, who  had  the  monopoly  of  the  traffic,  took 
them  to  all  the  other  Antilles,  but  would  bring  none 
to  this  island.  However,  1,500  African  slaves  en- 
tered here  at  different  times  during  those  seventeen 

208 


Negro  Slavery  in  Puerto  Rico 

years,  without  reckoning  the  large  numbers  that  were 
introduced  as  contraband. 

Philip  II  tried  to  reduce  the  exorbitant  prices 
exacted  by  the  German  monopolists  of  the  West  In- 
dian slave-trade,  but,  finding  that  his  efforts  to  do  so 
diminished  the  importation,  he  revoked  his  ordi- 
nances. 

A Genoese  banking-house,  having  made  him  large 
advances  to  help  equip  the  great  Armada  for  the  in- 
vasion of  England,  obtained  the  next  monopoly 
(1580). 

During  the  course  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
privilege  of  introducing  African  slaves  into  the  An- 
tilles was  sold  successively  to  Genoese,  Portuguese, 
Holland,  French,  and  Spanish  companies.  The  traffic 
was  an  exceedingly  profitable  one,  not  so  much  on 
account  of  the  high  prices  obtained  for  the  negroes 
as  on  account  of  the  contraband  trade  in  all  kinds  of 
merchandise  that  accompanied  it.  From  1613  to 
1621  during  the  government  of  Felipe  de  Beaumont, 
11  ship-loads  of  slaves  entered  San  Juan  harbor. 

During  the  eighteenth  century  the  traffic  ex- 
panded still  more.  To  induce  England  to  abandon 
the  cause  of  the  House  of  Austria,  for  which  that 
nation  was  fighting,  Philip  V offered  it  the  exclusive 
privilege  of  introducing  140,000  negro  slaves  into  the 
Spanish-American  colonies  within  a period  of  thirty 
years;  the  monopolists  to  pay  33^  silver  crowns  for 
each  negro  introduced,  to  the  Spanish  Government.' 

* Treaty  of  Madrid,  March  16,  1713,  ratified  by  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht.  There  were  two  kinds  of  silver  crowns,  one  of  8 pese- 
tas, the  other  of  10,  worth  respectively  4 and  5 English  shillings. 

209 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

War  interrupted  this  contract  several  times,  and 
long  before  the  termination  of  the  thirty  years  the 
English  ceased  to  import  slaves. 

Several  contracts  for  the  importation  of  slaves 
into  the  Antilles  were  made  from  1700  to  the  end  of 
the  century.  First  a contract  was  made  with  Miguel 
Uriarte  to  take  15,000  slaves  to  different  parts  of 
Spanish  America.  In  1765  the  king  sanctioned  the 
introduction  by  the  Caracas  company  of  2,000  slaves 
to  replace  the  Indians  in  Caracas  and  Maracaibo, 
who  had  died  of  smallpox.  All  duties  on  the  intro- 
duction of  negroes  into  Santo  Domingo,  Cuba,  Puerto 
Rico,  Margarita,  and  Trinidad  were  commuted  in  the 
same  year  for  a moderate  capitation  tax,  and  the 
Spanish  firm  of  Aguirre,  Aristegui  &r  Co.  was  author- 
ized to  provide  the  Antilles  with  negroes,  on  condi- 
tion of  reducing  the  price  10  pesos  per  head,  besides 
the  amount  of  abolished  duty. 

This  firm  abused  the  privileges  granted,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  all  the  colonies,  excepting  Peru,  Chile, 
and  the  Argentina,  were  allowed  to  provide  them- 
selves, as  best  they  could,  with  slaves  from  the  French 
colonies  while  the  war  lasted  (1780). 

Four  years  later,  January  16,  1784,  a certain 
Lenormand,  of  Xantes,  received  the  king’s  permission 
to  take  a ship-load  of  African  slaves  to  Puerto  Rico 
on  condition  of  paying  6 per  cent  of  the  product  to 
the  Government. 

In  this  same  year  the  barbarous  custom  of  brand- 
ing the  slaves  was  abolished. 

The  abominable  traffic  was  declared  entirely  free 
in  Santo  Domingo,  Cuba,  and  Puerto  Rico  by  royal 

210 


Negro  Slavery  in  Puerto  Rico 

decree,  February  28,  1789.  Foreign  ships  were 
placed  under  certain  restrictions,  but  a bounty  of  4 
pesos  per  head  was  paid  for  negroes  brought  in  Span- 
ish bottoms,  to  meet  which  a per  capita  tax  of  2 
pesos  per  head  on  domestic  slaves  was  levied. 

By  this  time  the  famous  debates  in  the  British 
Parliament  and  other  signs  of  the  times  announced 
the  dawn  of  freedom  for  the  oppressed  African  race. 
AVilberforce,  Clarkson,  and  Buxton,  the  English  abo- 
litionists, continued  their  denunciations  of  the  demor- 
alizing institution.  Their  effects  were  crowned  with 
success  in  1833.  The  traffic  was  abolished,  and  ten 
years  later  Great  Britain  emancipated  more  than 
twelve  million  slaves  in  her  East  and  West  Indian 
possessions,  paying  the  masters  over  one  hundred  mil- 
lions of  dollars  as  indemnity. 

Spain  agreed  in  1817  to  abolish  the  slave-trade  in 
her  dominions  by  May  30,  1820.  By  Articles  3 and  4 
of  the  convention,  England  offered  to  pay  to  Spain 
$20,000,000  as  complete  compensation  to  his  Cath- 
olic Majesty’s  subjects  who  were  engaged  in  the 
traffic. 

The  Spanish  Government  illegally  employed  this 
money  to  purchase  from  Russia  a fleet  of  five  ships 
of  the  line  and  eight  frigates. 

The  slaves  in  Puerto  Rico  were  not  emancipated 
until  March  22,  1873,  when  31,000  were  manumitted 
in  one  day,  at  a cost  to  the  Government  of  200  pesos 
each,  plus  the  interest  on  the  bonds  that  were  issued. 

The  nature  of  the  relations  between  the  master 
and  the  slave  in  Puerto  Rico  probably  did  not  differ 
much  from  that  which  existed  between  them  in  the 

211 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

other  Spanish  colonies.  But  these  relations  began  to 
assume  an  aspect  of  distrust  and  severity  on  the  one 
hand  and  sullen  resentment  on  the  other  when  the 
war  of  extermination  between  whites  and  blacks  in 
Santo  Domingo  and  the  establishment  of  a negro 
republic  in  Haiti  made  it  possible  for  the  flame  of 
negro  insurrection  to  be  wafted  across  the  narrow 
space  of  water  that  separates  the  two  islands. 

There  was  sufflcient  ground  for  such  apprehen- 
sion. The  free  colored  population  in  Puerto  Kico  at 
that  time  (1830-’34)  numbered  127,287,  the  slaves 
34,240,  as  against  162,311  whites,  among  whom 
many  were  of  mixed  blood.^  Prim,  the  governor- 
general,  to  suppress  every  attempt  at  insurrection, 
issued  the  proclamation,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
synopsis : 

I,  John  Prim,  Count  of  Reus,  etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

Whereas,  The  critical  circumstances  of  the 
times  and  the  afflictive  condition  of  the  countries  in 
the  neighborhood  of  this  island,  some  of  which  are 
torn  by  civil  war,  and  others  engaged  in  a war  of 
extermination  between  the  white  and  black  races;  it 
is  incumbent  on  me  to  dictate  efficacious  measures  to 
prevent  the  spread  of  these  calamities  to  our  pacific 
soil.  ...  I have  decreed  as  follows: 

“Article  1.  All  offenses  committed  by  individu- 
als of  African  race,  whether  free  or  slaves,  shall  be 
judged  by  court-martial. 

“ Art.  2.  Any  individual  of  African  race,  whether 


1 Flinter,  p.  211. 

212 


Negro  Slavery  in  Puerto  Rico 

free  or  slave,  who  shall  offer  armed  resistance  to  a 
white,  shall  be  shot,  if  a slave,  and  have  his  right 
hand  cut  off  by  the  public  executioner,  if  a free  man. 
Should  he  be  wounded  he  shall  be  shot. 

“Art.  3.  If  any  individual  of  African  race, 
whether  slave  or  free,  shall  insult,  menace,  or  mal- 
treat, in  any  way,  a white  person,  he  will  be  con- 
demned to  five  years  of  penal  servitude,  if  a slave, 
and  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
if  free. 

“Art.  4.  The  owners  of  slaves  are  hereby  au- 
thorized to  correct  and  chastise  them  for  slight  mis- 
demeanors, without  any  civil  or  military  functionary 
having  the  right  to  interfere. 

“Art.  5.  If  any  slave  shall  rebel  against  his 
master,  the  latter  is  authorized  to  kill  him  on  the 
spot. 

“Art.  6 orders  the  military  commanders  of  the 
8 departments  of  the  island  to  decide  all  cases  of 
offenses  committed  by  colored  people  within  twenty- 
four  hours  of  their  denunciation.” 

This  Draconic  decree  is  signed,  Puerto  Eico,  May 
31,  1843. 


213 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


INCREASE  OF  POPULATION 

All  statements  of  definite  numbers  with  respect 
to  the  aboriginal  population  of  this  island  ars  essen- 
tially fabulous.  Columbus  touched  at  only  one  port 
on  the  w’estern  shore.  He  remained  there  but  a few 
days  and  did  not  come  in  contact  with  the  inhabit- 
ants. Ponce  and  his  men  conquered  but  a part  of 
the  island,  and  had  no  time  to  study  the  question  of 
population,  even  if  they  had  had  the  inclination  to 
do  so.  They  did  not  count  the  enemy  in  time  of  war, 
and  only  interested  themselves  in  the  number  of  pris- 
oners which  to  them  constituted  the  spoils  of  con- 
quest. Any  calculation  regarding  the  numbers  that 
remained  at  large,  based  on  the  number  of  Indians 
distributed,  can  not  be  correct. 

Tlie  same  may  be  said  of  the  computations  of  the 
population  of  the  island  made  by  Abbad,  O’Reilly, 
and  others  at  a time  when  there  was  not  a correct 
statistical  survey  existing  in  the  most  civilized  coun- 
tries of  Europe.  Xone  of  these  computations  exceed 
the  limits  of  mere  conjecture. 

With  regard  to  the  attempts  to  explain  the  causes 
of  the  decay  and  ultimate  disappearance  of  the  abo- 
riginal race,  this  subject  also  appears  to  be  involved 

214 


Increase  of  Population 

in  considerable  doubt  and  obscurity,  notwithstanding 
the  positive  statements  of  native  writers  regarding 
it.  It  has  been  impossible  to  ascertain  in  what  degree 
they  became  amalgamated  by  intermarriage  with  the 
conquerors;  yet,  that  it  has  been  to  a much  larger 
degree  than  generally  supposed,  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  many  of  the  inhabitants,  classed  as  white,  have, 
both  in  their  features  and  manners,  definite  traces  of 
the  Indian  race.^ 

With  respect  to  the  census  taken  by  the  Spanish 
authorities  at  different  times,  though  they  may  have 
taken  great  pains  to  obtain  correct  statistical  ac- 
counts, there  is  little  doubt  that  the  real  numbers 
greatly  exceeded  those  which  appear  in  the  official 
returns.  The  reason  for  this  discrepancy  is  supposed 
by  the  author  mentioned  to  have  been  the  direct  con- 
tribution which  was  levied  on  agricultural  property, 
inducing  the  landed  proprietors  to  conceal  the  real 
number  of  their  slaves  in  order  to  make  their  crops 
appear  to  have  been  smaller  than  they  were. 

J^^or  does  it  appear  that  the  increase  in  the  popu- 
lation of  Puerto  Rico  is  so  much  indebted  to  immi- 
gration as  is  generally  supposed;  for,  notwithstand- 
ing the  advantages  offered  to  colonists  by  the  Govern- 
ment in  1815,  and  the  influx  of  settlers  from  Santo 
Domingo  and  Venezuela  during  the  civil  wars  in  these 
republics,  there  were  only  2,833  naturalized  foreign- 
ers in  the  island  in  1830.  It  appears  also  that  the 
Spanish  immigration  from  the  revolted  colonies  did 
not  exceed  7,000  souls. 


' Flinter. 

215 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Puerto  Rico  had  the  reputation  of  being  very 
poor,  cousequently,  no  immigrants  were  attracted  by 
the  prospect  of  money-making.  The  increase  in  the 
population  of  this  island  is  sufficiently  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  that  three-fourths  of  the  inhabitants  are 
engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits,  which,  of  all  occupa- 
tions, are  most  conducive  to  health.  To  which  must 
be  added  the  people’s  frugal  habits,  the  easy  morals, 
the  effect  of  climate,  and  the  fecundity  of  the  women 
of  all  mixed  races.  These,  and  the  peace  which  the 
island  enjoyed  in  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, together  with  the  abolition  of  some  of  the  re- 
strictions on  commerce  and  industry,  promoted  an 
era  of  prosperity  the  like  of  Avhich  the  inhabitants 
had  never  before  known,  and  the  natural  consequence 
was  increase  in  niimbers. 

“ In  those  days,”  says  Colonel  Flinter,  “ if  some 
perfect  stranger  had  dropped  from  the  clouds  as  it 
were,  on  this  island,  naked,  without  any  other  aux- 
iliaries than  health  and  strength,  he  might  have  mar- 
ried the  next  day  and  maintained  a family  without 
suffering  more  hardships  or  privations  than  fall  to 
the  lot  of  every  laborer  in  the  ordinary  process  of 
clearing  and  cultivating  a piece  of  land.” 

The  earliest  information  on  the  subject  was  given 
by  Alexander  O’Reilly,  the  royal  commissioner  to  the 
Antilles  in  1765,  who  enumerates  a list  of  24  towns 
and  settlements  with  a total  population  of 


Free,  men,  women,  and  children  of  all  colors 39,846 

Slaves  of  both  sexes,  including  their  children 5,037 

Total 44,883 

216 


Increase  of  Population 


Abbad,  in  his  “ general  statistics  of  the  island,” 
corresponding  to  the  end  of  the  year  1776,  gives  the 
details  of  the  population  in  30  “ partidas,”  or  eccle- 


siastical districts,  as  follows: 

Whites 29,263 

Free  colored  people 33,808 

Free  blacks 2,803 

Other  free  people  (“  agregados”) 7,835 

Slaves 6,537 


Total 80,246 


That  is  to  say,  an  increase  of  7^  per  cent  per  an- 
num during  the  eleven  years  elapsed  since  O’Keilly’s 
computation,  which  was  a period  of  constant  appre- 
hension of  attacks  by  pirates  and  privateers. 

From  1782  to  1802  there  were  three  censuses 
taken  showing  the  following  totals: 


In  1782 81,120  souls. 

“ 1792 115,557  '• 

“ 1802 163,192  “ 


From  1800  to  1815,  there  was  universal  poverty 
and  depression  in  the  island  in  consequence  of  the 
prohibitive  system  introduced  by  the  Spanish  author- 
ities in  all  branches  of  commerce  and  industry,  and  the 
sudden  failure  of  the  annual  remittances  from  Mex- 
ico in  consequence  of  the  insurrection.  Still,  the 
population  had  increased  from  163,192  in  1802  to 
220,892  in  1815. 

From  this  year  forward  a great  improvement  in 
the  island’s  general  condition  set  in,  thanks  to  the 
efforts  of  Don  Eamon  Power,  Puerto  Eico’s  delegate 
to  Cortes,  who  obtained  for  the  island,  in  ITovember, 
1811,  the  freedom  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 

217 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

and  by  the  appointment  of  Intendant  Ramirez  pro- 
cured the  suppression  of  many  abuses  and  monopolies. 

The  royal  schedule  of  August  15,  1815,  called 
“ the  schedule  of  graces,”  also  contributed  to  the 
general  improvement  by  the  opening  of  the  ports  to 
immigrants,  though  short-sighted  restrictions  de- 
stroyed the  beneficent  effects  of  the  measure  to  no 
small  extent.  However,  immigrants  came,  and  among 
them  83  practical  agriculturists  from  Louisiana,  with 
slaves  and  capital. 

The  census  of  1834  gives  the  total  population  on 
an  area  of  330  square  leagues,  in  the  proportion  of 
981^  inhabitants  per  square  league,  as  follows; 


Whites 188,869 

Colored 126,400 

Slaves 41,817 

Troops  and  prisoners 1,750 

Total 358,836 


This  year  shows  an  increase  in  the  proportion  of 
the  slave  population  over  the  free  population  since 
1815,  due  to  the  free  introduction  of  slaves  and  the 
slaves  brought  by  the  immigrants. 

A statistical  commission  for  the  island  of  Puerto 
Rico  was  created  in  1845.  The  census  taken  under 
its  auspices  in  the  following  year  may  be  considered 
reliable.  The  total  figures  are: 


Whites 216,083 

Free  colored 175,791 

Slaves 51,265 

Total 443,139 


In  1855  cholera  morbus  raged  throughout  the 
218 


Increase  of  Population 


island,  especially  .among  the  colored  population,  and 
carried  off  9,529  slaves  alone. 

The  next  census  shows  the  progressive  increase  of 
inhabitants.  It  was  conducted  by  royal  decree  of  Sep- 
tember 30, 1858, on  the  nights  of  December  25  and  2G, 
18G0.  The  official  memorial  gives  the  following  totals: 


Whites 300,430 

Free  colored 241,015 

Slaves 41,736 

Unclassified 127 


Total 583,308 


or  1,802.2  inhabitants  per  square  league;  one  of  the 
densest  populations  on  the  globe,  and  the  densest  in 
the  Antilles  at  the  time  except  Barbados. 

The  annual  increase  of  population  in  Puerto  Rico, 
according  to  the  calculations  of  Colonel  Flinter,  was: 


From  1778-1802. . 

24  years 

“ 1802-1812.. 

. 10  “ 

“ 1812-1820.. 

8 “ 

“ 1820-1830.. 

10  “ 

“ 1830-1846.. 

. 18 

“ 1846-1860. . 

14  “ 

. 5J  per  cent  per  annum. 

. H “ 

. 3i 

4 <<  << 

. 31 

. 3.72  " 


or  an  average  annual  increase  of  a little  less  than  4 
per  cent  in  a period  of  eighty-two  years. 

From  1860  to  1864  the  increase  was  small,  hut 
from  that  year  to  the  end  of  Spanish  domination  the 
percentage  of  increase  was  larger  than  in  any  of  the 
preceding  periods. 

The  treaty  of  Paris  brought  894,302  souls  under 
the  protection  of  the  American  flag.  They  consisted 
of  570,187  whites,  239,808  of  mixed  race,  and  75,- 
824  negroes. 


219 


CHAPTER  XXXm 


AGEICULTUEE  IN  PUEETO  EICO 

Aftee  the  cessation  of  the  gold  produce,  when 
the  colonists  were  forced  by  necessity  to  dedicate 
themselves  to  agriculture,  they  met  with  many  ad- 
verse conditions: 

The  incursions  of  the  Caribs,  the  hurricanes  of 
1530  and  1537,  the  emigration  to  Peru  and  Mexico, 
the  internal  dissensions,  and  last,  hut  not  least,  the 
heavy  taxes.  The  colonists  had  found  the  soil  of 
Puerto  Rico  admirably  adapted  to  sugar-cane,  which 
they  brought  from  Santo  Domingo,  where  Columbus 
had  introduced  it  on  his  second  voyage,  and  the  nas- 
cent sugar  industry  was  beginning  to  prosper  and 
expand  when  a royal  decree  imposing  a heavy  tax 
on  sugar  came  to  strangle  it  in  its  birth.  Bishop 
Bastidas  called  the  Government’s  attention  to  the 
fact  in  a letter  dated  March  20,  1544,  in  which  he 
says:  “ . . . The  new  tax  to  be  paid  on  sugar  in 
this  island,  as  ordained  by  your  Majesty,  will  still 
further  reduce  the  number  of  mills,  which  have  been 
diminishing  of  late.  Let  this  tax  be  suspended  and 
the  mills  in  course  of  construction  will  be  finished, 
while  the  erection  of  others  will  be  encouraged.” 

The  prelate’s  efforts  seem  to  have  produced  a 
220 


Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico 

favorable  effect.  Treasurer  Castellanos,  in  1546, 
loaned  6,000  pesos  for  the  Government’s  account,  to 
two  colonists  for  the  erection  of  two  sugar-cane  mills. 
In  1548  Gregorio  Santolaya  built,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  capital,  the  first  cane-mill  turned  by 
water-power,  and  two  mills  moved  by  horse-power. 
Another  water-power  mill  was  mounted  in  1549  on 
the  estate  of  Alonzo  Perez  Martel  with  the  assistance 
of  1,500  pesos  lent  by  the  king.  Loans  for  the  same 
purpose  continued  to  be  made  for  years  after. 

But  if  the  Government  encouraged  the  sugar  in- 
dustry with  one  hand,  with  the  other  it  checked  its 
development,  together  with  that  of  other  agricultural 
industries  appropriate  to  the  island,  by  means  of  pro- 
hibitive legislation,  monopolies,  and  other  oppressive 
measures.  The  effects  of  this  administrative  stupid- 
ity were  still  patent  a century  later.  Bishop  Fray 
Lopez  de  Haro  wrote  in  1644:  “ . . . The  only  crop 
in  this  island  is  ginger,  and  it  is  so  depreciated  that 
nobody  buys  it  or  wants  to  take  it  to  Spain.  . . . 
There  are  many  cattle  farms  in  the  country,  and 
7 sugar  mills,  where  the  families  live  with  their  slaves 
the  whole  year  round.” 

Canon  Torres  Vargas,  in  his  Memoirs,  ampli- 
fies the  bishop’s  statement,  stating  that  the  principal 
articles  of  commerce  of  the  island  were  ginger,  hides, 
and  sugar,  and  he  gives  the  location  of  the  above- 
mentioned  7 sugar-cane  mills.  The  total  annual  prod- 
uce of  ginger  had  been  as  much  as  14,000  centals, 
but,  with  the  war  and  excessive  supply,  the  price  had 
gone  down,  and  in  the  year  he  wrote  (1646)  only 
4,000  centals  had  been  harvested.  Lie  informs  us, 

221 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

too,  that  cacao  had  been  planted  in  sufficient  quantity 
to  send  ship-loads  to  Spain  within  four  years.  The 
number  of  hides  annually  exported  to  Spain  was 
8,000  to  10,000.  Tobacco  had  begun  to  be  cultivated 
within  the  last  ten  years,  and  its  exportation  had 
commenced.  He  pronounces  it  better  than  the  tobac- 
co of  Havana,  Santo  Domingo,  and  Margarita,  but 
not  as  good  as  that  of  Barinas. 

The  cultivation  of  tobacco  in  Puerto  Rico  was 
permitted  by  a special  law  in  1614,  but  the  sale  of  it 
to  foreigners  was  prohibited  under  penalty  of  death 
and  confiscation  of  property}  These  and  other  strin- 
gent measures  dictated  in  1777  and  1784  by  their 
very  severity  defeated  their  own  purpose,  and  the 
laws,  to  a great  extent,  remained  a dead  letter. 

The  cultivation  of  cacao  in  Puerto  Rico  did  not 
prosper  for  the  reason  that  the  plant  takes  a long 
time  in  coming  to  maturity,  and  during  that  period 
is  exceedingly  sensible  to  the  effects  of  strong  winds, 
which,  in  this  island,  prevail  from  July  to  October. 
The  first  plantations  being  destroyed  by  hurricanes, 
few  new  plantations  were  made. 

Of  the  other  staple  products  of  Puerto  Rico,  the 
most  valuable,  coffee,  was  first  planted  in  Martinique 
in  1720  by  M.  Declieux,  who  brought  the  seeds  from 
the  Botanical  Garden  in  Paris.  The  coco-palm  was 
introduced  by  Diego  Lorenzo,  a canon  in  the  Cape  de 
Verde  Islands,  who  also  brought  the  first  guinea- 
fowls;  and,  possibly,  the  plantain  species  known  in 
this  island  under  the  name  of  “ guineo  ” came  from 


Leyes  de  Indias,  Ley  IV,  Libro  IV,  Titulo  XVIII. 
222 


Plindcr’s  liouso,  coiba  tree,  juid  royal  palms. 


I 


Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico 

the  same  part  of  the  world.  According  to  Oviedo,  it 
was  first  planted  in  Santo  Domingo  in  1516  by  a 
monk  named  Berlangas. 

Abbad  gives  the  detailed  agricultural  statistics  of 
the  island  in  1776,  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
cultivation  of  the  new  articles  introduced  was  gen- 
eral at  the  time,  and  that,  under  the  influence  of  cli- 
mate and  abundant  pastures,  the  animal  industry  had 
become  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  wealth  for  the 
inhabitants. 

There  were  in  that  year  5,581  farms,  and  234 
cattle-ranches  (hatos). 

On  the  farms  or  estates  there  were  under  culti- 
vation: 

Sugar-cane 3,156  cuerdas.* 

Plantains 8,315  “ 

Coffee-trees 1 , 1 96, 184 

Cotton-plants 103,591 

On  the  cattle-ranches  there  were : 


Head  of  horned  cattle 77,384 

Horses 23,195 

Mules 1,524 

Asses,  swine,  goats,  and  sheep 49,050 


This  was  a comparatively  large  capital  in  stock 
and  produce  for  a population  of  80,000  souls,  but  the 
reverend  historian  severely  criticizes  the  agricultural 
population  of  that  day,  and  says  of  them:  . 


* The  actual  cuerda  is  a square  of  75  varas  each  side,  about 
one-tenth  less  than  an  acre.  Abbad  understood  by  a cuerda  a 
rectangle  of  75  varas  front  by  1,500  varas  depth,  that  is,  20 
cuerdas  superficies  of  those  actually  in  use. — Acosfa. 

1*5  223 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

They  scarcely  know  what  inaplements  are; . . . they 
bring  down  a tree,  principally  by  means  of  fire;  with 
a saber,  which  they  call  a ‘ machete,’  they  clear  the 
jungle  and  clean  the  ground;  with  the  point  of  this 
machete,  or  a pointed  stick,  they  dig  the  holes  or  fur- 
rows in  which  they  set  their  plants  or  sow  their 
seeds.  Tims  they  pro\dde  for  their  subsistence,  and 
when  a hurricane  or  other  mishap  destroys  their 
crops,  they  supply  their  wants  by  fishing  or  collect 
edible  roots. 

“ Indolence,  rather  than  want  of  means,  makes 
them  confine  their  cultivation  to  the  level  lands, 
which  they  abandon  as  soon  as  they  perceive  that  the 
fertility  of  the  soil  decreases,  which  happens  very 
soon,  because  they  do  not  plow,  nor  do  they  turn  over 
the  soil,  much  less  manure  it,  so  that  the  siiperfieies 
soon  becomes  sterile;  then  they  make  a clearing  on 
some  mountainside.  Neither  the  knowledge  of  the 
soil  and  climate  acquired  during  many  years  of  resi- 
dence, nor  the  increased  facilities  for  obtaining  the 
necessary  agricultural  implements,  nor  the  large  num- 
ber of  cattle  they  possess  that  could  be  used  for  agri- 
cultural purposes,  nor  the  Government’s  dispositions 
to  improve  the  system  of  cultivation,  have  been  sufii- 
cient  to  make  these  islanders  abandon  the  indolence 
with  which  they  regard  the  most  important  of  all 
arts,  and  the  first  obligation  imposed  by  God  on 
man — namely,  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  They  leave 
this  to  the  slaves,  who  are  few  and  ill-fed,  and  know 
no  more  of  agriculture  than  their  masters  do;  . . . 
their  great  laziness,  together  with  a silly,  baseless 
vanity,  makes  them  look  upon  all  manual  labor  as 

224 


Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico 

degrading,  proper  only  for  slaves,  and  so  they  pre- 
fer poverty  to  doing  honest  work.  To  this  must 
he  added  their  ambition  to  make  rapid  fortunes, 
as  some  of  them  do,  hy  contraband  trading, 
which  makes  good  sailors  of  them  hut  bad  agri- 
culturists. 

These  are  the  reasons  why  they  prefer  the 
cultivation  of  produce  that  requires  little  labor. 
Most  proprietors  have  a small  portion  of  their  land 
planted  with  cane,  but  few  have  made  it  their  prin- 
cipal crop,  because  of  the  expense  of  erecting  a mill 
and  the  greater  number  of  slaves  and  implements 
required;  yet  this  industry  alone,  if  properly  fos- 
tered, would  soon  remove  all  obstacles  to  their 
progress. 

“ It  is  useless,  therefore,  to  look  for  gardens  and 
orchards  in  a country  where  the  plow  is  yet  unknown, 
and  which  has  not  even  made  the  first  step  in  agri- 
cultural development.” 

Under  the  royal  decree  of  1815  commerce,  both 
foreign  and  inland,  rapidly  developed. 

From  the  official  returns  made  to  the  Government 
in  1828  to  1830,  Colonel  Flinter  drew  up  the  follow- 
ing statement  of  the  agricultural  wealth  of  the  island 
in  the  latter  year  (1830) : 


Wooden  sugar-cane  mills 1,277 

Iron  sugar  cane  mills 300 

Coffee  estates  with  machinery 148 

Stills  for  distilling  rum 340 

Brick  ovens 80 

Lime  kilns 45 


225 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Land  under  Cultivation 

Cane 14,803  acres. 

Plantains 30,700  “ 

Rice 14,850  “ 

Maize 16,194  “ 

Tobacco 2,599  “ 

Manioc 1,150  “ 

Sweet  potatoes 1,224  “ 

Yams 6,696  “ 

Pulse 1,100  “ 

Horticulture 31  “ 

Coffee-plants...  16,750  acres 16,992,857 

Cotton-trees....  3,079  “ 3,079,310 

Coco-palms 2,402  “ 60,050 

Orange-trees....  3,430  “ 85,760 

Aguacate-trees  2,230  55,760 

Pepper  or  chilli  or  aji  trees 500 

The  live  stock  of  the  island  in  the  same  year  con- 
sisted of: 

Cows 7 42,500  head. 

Bulls 6,720  “ 

Oxen 20,910  “ 

Horses 25,760  “ 

Mares 27,210  “ 

Asses 315  “ 

Mules 1,112  “ 

Sheep 7,560  “ 

Goats 5,969  “ 

Swine 25,087  “ 

Turkeys 8,671  “ 

Other  fowls 338,454  “ 

This  agricultural  wealth  of  the  island,  houses, 
lands,  and  slaves  not  included,  was  valued  at  $37,90n,- 
600,  and  its  annual  produce  at  $6,883,371,  half  of 
which  was  exported. 


226 


Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico 

These  statistics  may  be  considered  as  only  approx- 
imately correct,  as  the  returns  made  by  the  proprie- 
tors to  the  Government,  in  order  to  escape  taxation, 
were  less  than  the  real  niimbers  existing. 

The  natural  wealth  of  Puerto  Rico  may  be  divided 
into  agi’icultural,  pastoral,  and  sylvan.  According 
to  the  Spanish  Government  measurements  the  island’s 
area  is  2,584,000  English  acres.  Of  these,  there  were 
Under  cultivation  in  1830,  as  above 


detailed 117,244  acres. 

In  pastures 634,506  “ 

In  forests 728,703  “ 

Total  tax-paying  lands 1,480,453  “ 


The  pasture  lands  on  the  north  and  east  coasts 
are  equal  to  the  best  lands  of  the  kind  in  the  West 
Indies  for  the  breeding  and  fattening  of  cattle.  On 
the  south  coast  excessive  droughts  often  parch  the 
grass,  in  which  case  the  cattle  are  fed  on  cane-tops 
at  haiwest  time.  There  are  excellent  and  nutritive 
native  grasses  of  different  species  to  be  found  in  every 
valley.  The  cattle  bred  in  the  island  are  generally 
tame. 

From  1865  to  1872  was  the  era  of  greatest  pros- 
perity ever  experienced  in  Puerto  Rico  under  Span- 
ish rule.  The  land  was  not  yet  exhausted,  harvests 
were  abundant,  labor  cheap,  the  quality  of  the  sugar 
produced  was  excellent,  prices  were  high,  contribu- 
tions and  taxes  were  moderate.  There  were  no  ex- 
port duties,  and  although,  during  this  period,  the 
growing  manufacture  of  beet-root  sugar  was  lower- 
ing the  price  of  “ mascabado  ” all  over  the  world, 
no  effect  was  felt  in  Puerto  Rico,  because  it  was  the 

227 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

nearest  market  to  the  United  States,  where  the  civil 
war  had  put  an  end  to  the  annual  product  by  the 
Southern  States  of  half  a million  bocoyes,'  or  about 
675,000,000  gallons;  and  the  abolition  of  all  import 
duties  on  sugar  in  England  also  favored  the  mainte- 
nance of  high  prices  for  a number  of  years. 

However,  the  production  of  beet-root  sugar  and 
the  increase  of  cane  cultivation  in  the  East  ^ caused 
the  fall  in  prices  which,  in  combination  with  the  num- 
berless oppressive  restrictions  imposed  by  the  Span- 
ish Government,  brought  Puerto  Rico  to  the  verge  of 
ruin. 

“ The  misfortunes  that  afflict  us,”  says  Mr.  James 
IMcCormick  to  the  Provincial  Deputation  in  his  offi- 
cial report  on  the  condition  of  the  sugar  industry  in 
this  island  in  1880,  come  under  different  forms  from 
different  directions,  and  every  inhabitant  Icnows  what 
causes  have  contributed  to  reduce  this  island,  once 
prosperous  and  happy,  to  its  actual  condition  of  pros- 
tration and  anguish, 

That  condition  he  paints  in  the  follovdng  words: 

“ Mechanical  arts  and  industries  languish  because 
there  is  no  demand  or  profitable  market  for  its  prod- 
ucts; commerce  is  paralyzed  by  the  obstacles  placed 
in  its  way;  the  country  never  has  had  sufflcient  capital 
and  what  there  is  hides  itself  or  is  withdrawn  from 
circulation;  foreign  capital  has  been  frightened  away; 
Puerto  Rican  landowners  are  looked  upon  with  special 

1 The  bocoy  in  Puerto  Rico,  equal  from  12  to  20  centals  of 
sugar,  according  the  quality. 

* British  India  produced  about  that  time  over  1,500,000  tons 
of  cane-sugar  per  annum. 


228 


Agriculture  in  Puerto  Rico 

disfavor  and  credit  is  denied  them,  unfortunately  with 
good  reason,  seeing  the  lamentable  condition  of  our 
agriculture.  The  production  of  sugar  scarcely 
amounts  to  half  of  what  it  was  in  former  years.  From 
the  year  1873  a great  proportion  of  the  existing  sugar 
estates  have  fallen  to  ruin;  in  8 districts  their  num- 
ber has  been  reduced  from  104  to  38,  and  of  these 
the  majority  are  in  an  agonizing  condition.  In  other 
parts  of  the  island  many  estates,  in  which  large  capi- 
tals in  machinery,  drainage,  etc.,  have  been  invested, 
have  been  abandoned  and  the  land  is  returning  to  its 
primitive  condition  of  jungle  and  swamp.  Ten  years 
ago  the  island  exported  100,000  tons  of  sugar  annu- 
ally, the  product  of  553  mills;  during  the  last  three 
years  (1878-1880)  the  average  export  has  been  60,- 
000  tons,  the  product  of  325  mills  that  have  been  able 
to  continue  working.  Everywhere  in  this  province  the 
evidences  of  the  ruin  which  has  overtaken  the  planters 
meet  the  eye,  and  nothing  is  heard  but  the  lamenta- 
tions of  proprietors  reduced  to  misery  and  despera- 
tion.” 

This  state  of  things  continued  notwithstanding 
the  representations  made  before  the  “ high  spheres  of 
Government  ” by  the  leading  men  in  commerce  and 
agriculture,  by  the  press  of  all  political  colors,  and 
by  Congress.  The  IMinister  of  T.^ltramar  in  Madrid 
recognized  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  and  it  is  said 
that  the  lamentations  of  the  people  of  Puerto  Pico 
found  an  echo  even  at  the  foot  of  the  throne. 

And  there  they  died.  ^7othing  was  done  to  rem- 
edy the  growing  evil,  and  the  writer  of  the  pamphlet, 
not  daring  openly  to  accuse  the  Government  as  the 

229 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

only  cause  of  the  island’s  desperate  situation,  counsels 
patience,  and  timidly  expresses  the  hope  that  the  ex- 
orbitant taxes  and  contributions  will  be  lowered ; that 
economy  in  the  Government  expenditures  will  be 
practised;  that  monopolies  will  be  abolished,  and  odi- 
ous, oppressive  practises  of  all  kinds  be  discontinued. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Puerto  Rico  in  1880. 
The  Government’s  oppressive  practises,  and  they 
only,  were  the  causes  of  the  ruin  of  this  and  all  the 
other  rich  and  beautiful  colonies  that  destiny  laid  at 
the  feet  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabel  four  centuries  ago. 

The  following  statement  of  the  proportion  of 
sugar  to  each  acre  of  land  under  cane  cultivation  in 
the  Antilles,  compared  with  Puerto  Rico,  may  be  of 
interest. 

The  computation  of  the  average  sugar  produce 
per  acre,  according  to  the  best  and  most  correct  infor- 
mation from  intelligent  planters,  who  had  no  motives 
for  deception,  was,  in  1830:  ^ 

For  Jamaica 10  centals  per  acre. 

Dominica 10  ‘‘  ” 

Granada 15 

St.  Vincent 25 

Tobago 20 

Antigua 7^  “ “ 

Saint  Kitts 20 

Puerto  Rico 30 


’ Colonel  Flinter,  An  Account  of  the  Island  of  Puerto  Rico. 
London,  1834. 


230 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 


COMJLERCE  A^'D  FINANCES 

Until  the  year  1813  the  captains-general  of 
Puerto  Rico  had  the  superintendence  of  the  revenues. 
The  capital  was  the  only  authorized  port  open  to  com- 
merce. Xo  regular  books  w’ere  kept  hy  the  authori- 
ties. A day-book  of  duties  paid  and  expended  was 
all  that  was  considered  necessary.  Merchandise  was 
smuggled  in  at  every  part  of  the  coast/  the  treasury 
chest  was  empty,  and  the  Government  officers  and 
troops  were  reduced  to  a very  small  portion  of  their 

pay* 

The  total  revenues  of  the  island,  including  the 
old-established  taxes  and  contributions,  produced 
70,000  pesos,  and  half  of  that  sum  was  never  re- 
covered on  account  of  the  abuses  and  dishonesty 
that  had  been  introduced  in  the  system  of  collec- 
tion. 

An  intendancy  was  deemed  necessary,  and  the 
Home  Government  appointed  Alexander  Ramirez  to 
the  post  in  February,  1813.  He  promptly  introduced 
important  reforms  in  the  administration,  and  caused 

* Rafael  Conty,  snbdelegate  of  the  treasury  of  Aguadilla, 
sailed  round  the  island  in  a sloop  in  1790  and  confiscated  eleven 
vessels  engaged  in  smuggling. 

231 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

regular  accounts  to  be  kept.  He  made  ample  and  lib- 
eral concessions  to  commerce,  opened  five  additional 
ports  with  custom-houses,  freed  agriculture  from  the 
trammels  that  had  impeded  its  development,  and 
placed  labor,  instruments,  seeds,  and  modern  machin- 
ery within  its  reach.  He  printed  and  distributed 
short  essays  or  manuals  on  the  cultivation  of  differ- 
ent products  and  the  systems  adopted  by  other  na- 
tions, promoted  the  immigration  of  Canary  Island- 
ers, founded  the  Royal  Economic  Society  of  Friends 
of  the  Country,  and  edited  the  Uiario  Ecouomico  de 
Puerto  Rico,  the  first  number  of  which  appeared  Feb- 
ruary 28,  1811. 

The  first  year  after  the  establishment  of  these 
improvements,  notwithstanding  the  abolition  of  some 
of  the  most  onerous  taxes,  the  revenues  of  the  capi- 
tal rose  to  $101,000,  and  the  new  custom-houses  pro- 
duced $242,81:2. 

Having  placed  this  island’s  financial  administra- 
tion on  a sound  basis,  Ramirez  was  called  upon  by 
the  Government  to  perform  the  same  valuable  serv- 
ices for  Cuba.  Unfortunately,  his  successors  here 
soon  destroyed  the  good  effects  of  his  measures  by 
continual  variations  in  the  system,  and  in  the  com- 
mercial tariffs.  They  attempted  to  prevent  smug- 
gling by  increasing  the  duties,  the  very  means  of  en- 
couraging conti’aband  trade,  and  the  old  mismanage- 
ment and  malversations  in  the  custom-houses  revived. 
One  intend  ant,  often  from  a mere  spirit  of  innova- 
tion, applied  to  the  court  for  a decree  canceling 
the  regulations  of  his  predecessor,  so  that,  from  the 
concurring  effects  of  contraband  and  mismanagement, 

232 


Commerce  and  Finances 


commerce  suffered,  and  the  country  became  once 
more  impoverished. 

The  revenues  fell  so  low  and  the  malversation  of 
public  money  reached  such  a height  that  the  captain- 
general  found  it  necessary  in  1825  to  charge  the 
military  commanders  of  the  respective  districts  with 
the  prevention  of  smuggling.  He  placed  supervisors 
of  known  intelligence  and  probity  in  each  custom- 
house to  watch  and  prevent  fraud  and  peculation. 
These  measures  almost  doubled  the  amount  of  reve- 
nue in  the  following  year  (1826). 

As  late  as  1810  the  imports  in  Puerto  Rico  ex- 
ceeded three  times  the  sum  of  the  produce  exported. 
The  difference  was  made  up  by  the  “ situados,”  or 
remittances  in  cash  from  Mexico,  which  began  early 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the  repeated  attacks 
on  the  island  by  French  and  English  privateers  forced 
the  Spanish  Government  to  choose  between  losing  the 
island  or  fortifying  it.  The  king  chose  the  latter, 
and  made  an  assignment  on  the  royal  treasury  of 
^[exico  of  nearly  half  a million  pesos  per  annum. 
With  these  subsidies  all  the  fortifications  were  con- 
structed and  the  garrison  and  civil  and  military  em- 
ployees were  paid,  till  the  insurrection  in  Mexico  put 
a stop  to  the  fall  of  this  pecuniary  manna. 

It  was  fortunate  for  Puerto  Rico  that  it  ceased. 
The  people  of  the  island  had  become  so  accustomed 
to  look  to  this  supply  of  money  for  the  purchase  of 
their  necessities  that  they  entirely  neglected  the  de- 
velopment of  the  rich  resources  in  their  fertile  soil. 
When  a remittance  arrived  in  due  time,  all  was  joy 
and  animation;  when  it  was  delayed,  as  was  often  the 

233 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

case,  all  was  gloom  and  silence,  and  recourse  was 
had  to  “ papeletas,”  a temporary  paper  currency  or 
promises  to  pay. 

With  the  cessation  of  the  “ situados  ” the  scanty 
resources  of  the  treasury  soon  gave  out.  The  funds 
of  the  churches  w’ere  first  requisitioned;  then  the 
judicial  deposits,  the  property  of  people  who  had  died 
in  the  Peninsula,  and  other  unclaimed  funds  were 
attached;  next,  donations  and  private  loans  were 
solicited,  and  when  all  these  expedients  were  ex- 
hausted, the  final  resort  of  bankrupt  communities, 
paper  money,  was  adopted  (1812). 

Then  Puerto  Rico’s  poverty  became  extreme.  In 
1814  there  was  at  least  half  a million  paper  money 
in  circulation  with  a depreciation  of  400  per  cent. 
To  avoid  absolute  ruin,  the  intendant  had  recourse  to 
the  introduction  of  what  were  called  “ macuquinos,” 
or  pieces  of  rudely  cut,  uncoined  silver  of  inferior 
alloy,  representing  approximately  the  value  of  the 
coin  that  each  piece  of  metal  stood  for.  With  these 
he  redeemed  in  1816  all  the  paper  money  that  had 
been  put  in  circulation;  but  the  emergency  money 
gave  rise  to  agioist  speculation  and  remained  the  cur- 
rency long  after  it  had  served  its  purpose.  It  was 
not  replaced  by  Spanish  national  coin  till  1857. 

The  royal  decree  of  1815,  and  the  improvements 
in  the  financial  situation,  as  a result  of  the  new  ad- 
ministrative system  established  by  Ramirez,  gave  a 
strong  impulse  to  foreign  commerce.  Though  com- 
merce with  the  mother  country  remained  in  a lan- 
guishing condition,  because  the  so-called  “ decree  of 
graces  ” had  fixed  the  import  duty  on  Spanish  mer- 

234 


Commerce  and  Finances 


chandise  at  6 per  cent  ad  valorem,  while  the  valuations 
which  the  custom-house  officials  made  exceeded  the 
market  prices  to  such  an  extent  that  many  articles 
really  paid  8 per  cent  and  some  10,  12,  and  even  15 
per  cent. 

An  estimate  of  the  commerce  of  this  island  about 
the  year  1830  divides  the  total  imports  and  exports 
which,  in  that  year,  amounted  to  $5,620,780  among 
the  following  nations: 


West  Indian  Islands  imports. .. 

Per  cent. 
....  53i 

Per  cent. 
Exports...  26 

United  States  imports 

....  27i 

“ ...  49 

Spanish  imports 

....  12i 

“ ...  7 

English  imports 

....  21 

“ ...  6i 

French  imports 

....  2| 

“ ...  6f 

Other  nations’  imports 

....  11 

“ ...  81 

The  American  trade  at  that  time  formed  nearly 
one-third  of  the  whole  of  the  value  of  the  imports 
and  nearly  half  of  all  the  exports. 

An  American  consul  resided  at  the  capital  and  all 
the  principal  ports  had  deputy  consuls.  The  articles 
of  importation  from  the  United  States  were  princi- 
pally timber,  staves  for  sugar-casks,  flour  and  other 
provisions,  and  furniture.^ 

The  financial  history  of  Puerto  Rico  commences 
about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  In  1758 
the  revenues  amounted  to  6,858  pesos.  In  1765, 
to  10,814,  and  in  1778  to  47,500.  Their  increase 


* For  commercial  statistics  of  Puerto  Rico  from  1813  to  1864, 
see  Senor  Acosta’s  interesting  notes  to  Chapter  XXVIII  of  Ab- 
ba J’s  history. 


235 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

lip  to  1,G05,523  in  1864  was  due  to  the  natural 
development  of  the  island’s  resources,  which  accom- 
panied the  increase  of  population;  yet  financial  dis- 
tress was  chronic  all  the  time,  and  not  a year  passed 
without  the  application  of  the  supposed  panacea  of 
royal  decrees  and  ordinances,  without  the  expected 
improvement. 

From  1850  to  1864,  for  the  first  time  in  the 
island’s  history,  there  happened  to  be  a surplus  rev- 
enue. The  authorities  wasted  it  in  an  attempt  to 
reannex  Santo  Domingo  and  in  contributions  toward 
the  expenses  of  the  war  in  Morocco.  The  balance  was 
used  by  the  Spanish  Minister  of  Ultramar,  the  Gov- 
ernment being  of  opinion  that  surpluses  in  colonial 
treasuries  were  a source  of  danger.  To  avoid  a pleth- 
ora of  money  contributions  were  asked  for  in  the 
name  of  patriotism,  which  nobody  dared  refuse,  and 
which  were,  therefore,  always  liberally  responded 
to.  Of  this  class  was  a contribution  of  half  a million 
pesos  toward  the  expenses  of  the  war  with  the  Carl- 
ists  to  secure  the  succession  of  Isabel  II,  and  Sunday 
collections  for  the  benefit  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  in 
Cuba,  for  the  sufferers  by  the  inundations  in  Murcia, 
the  earthquakes  in  Andalusia,  etc.  From  1870  to 
1876  a series  of  laws  and  ordinances  relating  to 
finances  were  promulgated.  February  22d,  a royal 
decree  admitted  !^Iexican  silver  coin  as  currency.  De- 
cember 3,  1880,  another  royal  decree  reformed  the 
financial  administration  of  the  island.  This  was  fol- 
lowed in  1881  by  instructions  for  the  collection  of 
personal  contributions.  In  1882  the  Intendant  Al- 
cazar published  the  regulations  for  the  imposition, 

236 


Commerce  and  Finances 


collection,  and  administration  of  the  land  tax;  from 
1882  to  1892  another  series  of  laws,  ordinances,  and 
decrees  appeared  for  the  collection  and  administration 
of  different  taxes  and  contributions,  and  October  28, 
1895,  another  royal  decree  withdrew  the  Mexican 
coin  from  circulation.  In  the  same  year  (March  15th) 
the  reform  laws  were  promulgated,  which  were  fol- 
lowed in  the  next  year  by  the  municipal  law.^ 

In  the  meantime  commerce  languished.  The  ex- 
cessively high  export  duties  on  island  produce  imposed 
by  Governor  Sanz  in  1868  to  1870  brought  600,000 
pesos  per  annum  into  the  treasury,  but  ruined  agri- 
culture, and  this  lasted  till  the  end  of  Sjianish  rule. 

The  directory  of  the  Official  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce, Industry,  and  Navigation  of  San  Juan,  at 
the  general  meeting  of  members  in  1895,  reported 
that  it  had  occupied  itself  during  that  year,  through 
the  medium  of  the  island’s  representative  in  Cortes, 
with  the  promised  tariff  reform,  but  without  result. 
Nor  had  its  endeavors  to  obtain  the  exchange  of  the 
Mexican  coin  still  in  circulation  for  Peninsular  money 
been  successful  on  account  of  the  opposition  of  those 
interested  in  the  maintenance  of  the  system.  The 
abolition  of  the  so-called  “ conciertos  ” of  matches 

V 

and  petroleum  had  also  occupied  them,  and  in  this 
case  successfully;  but  the  directors  complained  of 
the  apathy  and  the  indifference  of  the  public  in  gen- 
eral for  the  objects  which  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
was  organized  to  advocate  and  promote,  and  they 


' Vide.  Resena  del  Estado  Social,  Econdmico  e Industrial  de 
la  Isla  de  Puerto  Rico,  por  el  Dr.  Cayetano  Coll  y Toste,  1899. 

237 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

state  that  within  the  last  year  the  number  of  asso- 
ciates had  diminished. 

The  Directors’  report  of  January,  1897,  was  even 
more  gloomy.  They  complain  of  the  want  of  interest 
in  their  proceedings  on  the  part  of  many  of  the  lead- 
ing commercial  houses,  of  the  lamentable  condition 
of  commerce,  of  the  inattention  of  their  “ mother,” 
Spain,  to  the  plausible  pretentions  of  this  her  daugh- 
ter, animated  though  she  was  by  the  most  fervent 
patriotism. 


238 


CHAPTEK  XXXV 


EDUCATION  IN  PUEETO  EICO 

In  Chapter  XXIII  of  this  history  we  gave  an 
extract  from  his  Excellency  Alexander  O’Reilly’s 
report  to  King  Charles  IV,  wherein,  referring  to  the 
intellectual  status  of  the  inhabitants  of  Puerto  Rico 
in  1765,  he  informs  his  Majesty  that  there  were  only 
two  schools  in  the  whole  island  and  that,  outside  of 
the  capital  and  San  German,  few  knew  how  to  read. 

In  the  mother  country,  at  that  period,  even  pri- 
mary instruction  was  very  deficient.  It  remained  so 
for  a long  time.  As  late  as  1838  reading,  writing, 
and  arithmetic  only  were  taught  in  the  best  public 
schools  of  Spain.  The  other  branches  of  knowledge, 
such  as  geography,  history,  physics,  chemistry,  natu- 
ral history,  could  be  studied  in  a few  ecclesiasti- 
cal educational  establishments.^  The  illiteracy  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this,  the  least  important  of  Spain’s 
conquered  provinces,  was  therefore  but  natural,  see- 
ing that  the  conquerors  who  had  settled  in  it  be- 
longed to  the  most  ignorant  classes  of  an  illiterate 
country  in  an  illiterate  age.  Something  was  done  in 

' See  Franco  del  Valle  Allies,  Causas  del  atraso  Intellectual 
del  campesino  Puertoriqueno.  Revista  PuertoriqueRa,  ARo  II 
tomo  II,  p.  7. 

17 


239 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Puerto  Kico  by  tbe  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars 
in  the  way  of  preparatory  training  for  ecclesiastical 
callings.  They  taught  Latin  and  philosophy  to  a 
limited  number  of  youths;  the  bishop  himself  gave 
regular  instruction  in  Latin. 

A few  youths,  whose  parents  could  afford  it,  were 
sent  to  the  universities  of  Caracas  and  Santo  Domin- 
go, where  some  of  them  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  aptitude  for  study.  One  of  these,  afterward 
known  as  Father  Bonilla,  obtained  the  highest  aca- 
demic honors  in  Santo  Domingo. 

From  1820  to  1823,  under  the  auspices  of  a con- 
stitutional government,  intellectual  life  in  Puerto 
Rico  really  began.  A Mr.  Louis  Santiago  called  pub- 
lic attention  to  the  necessity  of  attending  to  pri- 
mary education.  “ The  greatest  evil,”  he  said,  “ that 
which  demands  the  speediest  remedy,  is  the  general 
ignorance  of  the  art  of  reading  and  writing.  It  is 
painful  to  see  the  signatures  of  the  alcaldes  to  public 
documents.”  He  wrote  a pamphlet  of  instructions 
in  the  art  of  teaching  in  primary  schools,  which  was 
printed  and  distributed  through  the  interior  of  the 
island.  The  governor,  Gonzalo  Arostegui,  addressed 
an  official  note  to  the  Provincial  Deputation  charging 
that  body  to  propose  to  him  “ without  rest  or  inter- 
ruption, and  as  soon  as  possible,”  the  means  to  estab- 
lish primary  schools  in  the  capital  and  in  the  towns 
of  the  interior;  to  the  municipalities  he  sent  a cir- 
cular, dated  September  28,  1821,  recommending 
them  to  facilitate  the  coming  to  the  capital  of  the 
teachers  in  their  respective  districts  who  wished  to 
attend,  for  a period  of  two  months,  a class  in  the 

240 


Education  in  Puerto  Rico 


Lancasterian  method  of  primary  teaching,  to  be  held 
in  the  Normal  School  by  Ramon  Carpegna,  the  polit- 
ical secretary.  A certain  amount  of  instruction,  tal- 
ent, and  disposition  for  magisterial  work  was  re- 
quired of  the  pupils,  and  those  who  already  had  posi- 
tions as  teachers  could  assist  at  the  two  months’ 
course  without  detriment  to  their  salaries. 

The  fall  of  the  constitutional  government  in 
Spain,  brought  about  by  French  intervention  and  the 
reaction  that  followed,  extinguished  the  light  that 
had  just  begun  to  shine,  and  this  unfortunate  island 
was  again  plunged  into  the  intellectual  darkness  of 
the  middle  ages.  Persecution  became  fiercer  than 
ever,  and  the  citizens  most  distinguished  for  their 
learning  and  liberal  ideas  had  to  seek  safety  in  emi- 
gration. 

For  the  next  twenty  years  the  education  of  the 
youth  of  Puerto  Rico  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
clergy.  With  the  legacies  left  to  the  Church  by 
Bishop  Arizmendi  and  other  pious  defuncts.  Bishop 
Pedro  Gutierrez  de  Cos  founded  the  Conciliar  Semi- 
nary in  1831,  and  appointed  as  Rector  Friar  Angel 
de  la  Concepcion  Vazquez,  a Puerto  Rican  by  birth, 
educated  in  the  Franciscan  Convent  of  Caracas. 

In  the  same  year  there  came  to  Puerto  Rico,  as 
prebendary  of  the  cathedral,  an  ex-professor  of  exper- 
imental physics  in  the  University  of  Galicia,  whose 
name  was  Rufo  Fernandez.  He  founded  a cabinet 
of  physics  and  a chemical  laboratory,  and  invited  the 
youth  of  the  capital  to  attend  the  lectures  on  these 
two  sciences  which  he  gave  gratis. 

Fray  Angel,  as  he  was  familiarly  called,  the  rec- 
241 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

tor  of  the  seminary,  at  Dr.  Rufo’s  suggestion,  asked 
permission  of  the  superior  ecclesiastical  authorities 
to  transfer  the  latter’s  cabinet  and  laboratory  to  the 
seminary  for  the  purpose  of  adding  the  courses  of 
physics  and  chemistry  to  the  curriculum,  but  failed 
to  obtain  it,  the  reasons  given  for  the  adverse  decision 
being,  “ that  the  science  of  chemistry  was  unneces- 
sary for  the  students,  who,  in  accordance  with  the 
dispositions  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  were  to  dedi- 
cate themselves  to  ecclesiastical  sciences  only.”  The 
rector,  while  expressing  his  regret  at  the  decision, 
adds : “ I can  not  help  telling  you  what  I have  always 
felt — namely,  that  there  is  some  malediction  resting 
on  the  education  of  youth  in  this  island,  which  evokes 
formidable  obstacles  from  every  side,  though  there 
are  not  Avanting  generous  spirits  ready  to  make  sacri- 
fices in  its  favor.”  ^ 

Some  of  these  generous  spirits  had  organized,  as 
early  as  1813,  under  the  auspices  of  Intendant  Rami- 
rez, the  Economic  Society  of  Friends  of  the  Coun- 
try. Puerto  Rico  OAves  almost  all  its  intellectual  prog- 
ress to  this  society.  Its  aim  was  the  island’s  moral 
and  material  advancement,  and,  in  spite  of  obstacles, 
it  has  nobly  labored  Avith  that  object  in  view  to  the 
end  of  Spanish  domination.  From  its  very  inception 
it  established  a primary  school  for  12  poor  girls,  and 
classes  in  mathematics,  geography,  French,  English, 
and  drawing,  to  which  a class  of  practical  or  applied 


> Letter  to  Dr.  Rufo  Fernandez  from  Fray  Angel  de  la  Con- 
cepcion Vazquez.  See  Acosta’s  notes  to  Abbad’s  history,  pp.  412, 
413,  foot  note. 


% 


242 


Education  in  Puerto  Rico 


mechanics  was  added  later.  In  1844  the  society 
asked  and  obtained  permission  from  the  governor, 
the  Count  of  Mirasol,  to  solicit  subscriptions  for  the 
establishment  and  endowment  of  a central  college. 
The  people  responded  with  enthusiasm,  and  in  less 
than  a month  30,000  pesos  were  collected. 

The  college  was  opened.  In  1846  four  youths,  un- 
der the  guidance  of  Dr.  Eufo,  were  sent  to  Spain  to 
complete  their  studies  to  enable  them  to  worthily  fill 
professorships  in  the  central  school.  Two  of  them 
died  shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Madrid.  IVhen 
the  other  two  returned  to  Puerto  Rico  in  1849  they 
found  the  college  closed  and  the  subscriptions  for  its 
maintenance  returned  to  the  donors  by  order  of  Juan 
de  la  Pezuela,  Count  Mirasol’s  successor  in  the 
governorship. 

If  the  unfavorable  opinion  of  the  character  of 
the  Puerto  Ricans  to  which  this  personage  gave  ex- 
pression in  one  of  his  official  communications  was  the 
motive  for  his  proceeding  in  this  case,  it  would  seem 
that  he  changed  it  toward  the  end  of  his  administra- 
tion, for  he  founded  a Royal  Academy  of  Belles-Let- 
tres, and  a library  which  was  provided  with  books  by 
occasional  gifts  from  the  public.  He  introduced 
some  useful  reforms  in  the  system  of  primary  instruc- 
tion, and  inaugurated  the  first  prize  competitions  for 
poetical  compositions  by  native  authors. 

From  the  returns  of  the  census  of  1860  it  appears 
that  at  that  time  only  174  per  cent  of  the  male  popu- 
lation of  the  island  knew  how  to  read,  and  only  12^ 
per  cent  of  the  female  population.  Four  years  later, 
at  the  end  of  1864  there  were,  according  to  official 

243 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

data,  98,817  families  in  Puerto  Kico  whose  intellec- 
tual wants  were  supplied  by  74  public  schools  for 
boys  and  48  for  girls,  besides  16  and  9 private  schools 
for  boys  and  girls  respectively. 

In  1854  General  Norzagary,  then  governor, 
assisted  by  Andres  Vina,  the  secretary  of  the  Royal 
Board  of  Commerce  and  Industry,  bad  founded  a 
school  of  Commerce,  Agriculture,  and  Navigation. 
After  sixteen  years  of  existence,  this  establishment 
was  unfavorably  reported  upon  by  Governor  Sanz, 
who  wished  to  suppress  it  on  account  of  the  liberal 
ideas  and  autonomist  tendencies  of  its  two  principal 
professors,  Jose  Julian  Acosta  (Abbad’s  commenta- 
tor) and  Ramon  B.  Castro.  In  the  preamble  to  a se- 
cret report  sent  by  this  governor  to  Madrid  be  says: 
“ This  supreme  civil  government  has  always  secured 
professors  who,  in  addition  to  the  required  ability  for 
their  position,  possess  the  moral  and  political  char- 
acter and  qualities  to  form  citizens,  lovers  of  their 
country,  i.  e.,  lovers  of  Puerto  Rico  as  a Spanish 
province,  not  of  Puerto  Rico  as  an  independent  state 
annexed  to  North  AmericaP 

Female  education  had  all  along  received  even  less 
attention  tlian  the  education  of  boys.  Alexander 
Infiesta,  in  an  article  on  the  subject  published  in  the 
Revista  in  February,  1888,  states,  that  according  to 
the  latest  census  there  were  399,674  females  in  the 
island,  of  whom  293,247  could  neither  read  nor  write, 
158,528  of  them  being  white  women  and  girls.  The 
number  of  schools  for  boys  was  408,  with  an  attend- 
ance of  18,194,  and  that  for  girls  127,  with  7,183 
pupils. 


244 


Education  in  Puerto  Rico 


From  the  memorial  published  by  the  Director  of 
the  Provincial  Institute  for  Secondary  Education, 
regarding  the  courses  of  study  in  that  establishment 
during  the  year  1888-’89,  we  learn  that  the  number 
of  primary  schools  in  the  island  had  increased  to 
600,  but,  according  to  Mr.  Coll  y Toste’s  Reseha, 
published  in  1899,  there  were,  among  a total  popula- 
tion of  894,302  souls,  only  497  primary  schools  in 
the  island  at  the  time  of  the  American  occupation. 
The  total  attendance  was  22,265  pupils,  15,108  boys 
and  7,157  girls. 


245 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 


LIBBAKIES  AIJD  THE  PRESS 

Books  for  the  people  were  considered  by  the  Span- 
ish colonial  authorities  to  be  of  the  nature  of  inflam- 
mable or  explosive  substances,  which  it  was  not  safe 
to  introduce  freely. 

From  their  point  of  view,  they  were  right.  The 
Droits  de  I’homme  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau,  for 
example,  translated  into  every  European  language, 
had  added  more  volunteers  of  all  nationalities  to  the 
ranks  of  the  Spanish- American  patriots  than  was  gen- 
erally supposed — and  so,  books  and  printing  material 
were  subjected  to  the  payment  of  high  import  duties, 
and  a series  of  annoying  formalities,  among  which  the 
passing  of  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  censors  was 
the  most  formidable. 

The  result  among  the  poorer  classes  of  natives 
was  blank  illiteracy.  A pall  of  profound  ignorance- 
hung  over  the  island,  and  although,  with  the  revival 
of  letters  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  light  of 
intellect  dawned  over  western  Europe,  not  a ray  of 
it  was  permitted  to  reach  the  Spanish  colonies. 

The  ruling  class,  every  individual  of  whom  came 
from  the  Peninsula,  kept  what  books  each  individual 
possessed  to  themselves.  To  the  people  all  learn- 

246 


Libraries  and  the  Press 


ing,  except  such  as  it  was  considered  safe  to  impart, 
was  forbidden  fruit. 

Under  these  conditions  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
idea  of  founding  public  libraries  did  not  germinate 
in  the  minds  of  the  more  intelligent  among  the  Puerto 
Eicans  till  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century; 
whereas,  the  other  colonies  that  had  shaken  off  their 
allegiance  to  the  mother  country,  had  long  since 
entered  upon  the  road  of  intellectual  progress  with 
resolute  step. 

Collegiate  libraries,  however,  had  existed  in  the 
capital  of  the  island  as  early  as  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. The  first  of  which  Ave  have  any  tradition  was 
founded  by  the  Dominican  friars  in  their  convent. 
It  contained  works  on  art,  literature,  and  the- 
ology. 

The  next  library  was  formed  in  the  episcopal 
palace,  or  “ casa  parochial,”  by  Bishop  Don  Bernardo 
de  Valbuena,  poet  and  author  of  a pastoral  novel 
entitled  the  Golden  Age,  and  other  works  of  literary 
merit.  This  library,  together  with  that  of  the  Do- 
minicans, and  the  respective  episcopal  and  conventual 
archives  were  burned  by  the  Hollanders  during  the 
siege  of  San  Juan  in  1625. 

The  Franciscan  friars  also  had  a library  in  their 
convent  (1660).  The  books  disappeared  at  the  time 
of  the  community’s  dissolution  in  1835. 

Bishop  Pedro  Gutierres  de  Cos,  who  founded 
the  San  Juan  Conciliar  Seminary  in  1832,  established 
a library  in  connection  Avith  it,  the  remains  of  Avhich 
are  still  extant  in  the  old  seminary  building,  but 
much  neglected  and  worm-eaten. 

247 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

A library  of  a semipublic  character  was  founded 
by  royal  order  dated  June  19,  1831,  shortly  after  the 
installation  of  the  Audiencia  in  San  Juan,  It  was  a 
large  and  valuable  collection  of  books  on  juridical 
subjects,  which  remained  under  the  care  of  a salaried 
librarian  till  1899,  when  it  was  amalgamated  with  the 
library  of  the  College  of  Lawyers. 

This  last  is  a rich  collection  of  works  on  juris- 
prudence, and  the  exclusive  property  of  the  college, 
but  accessible  to  professional  men.  The  library  is 
in  the  former  Audiencia  building,  now  occupied  by 
the  insiilar  courts. 

The  period  from  1830  to  1850  appears  to  have 
been  one  of  greatest  intellectiial  activity  in  Puerto 
Rico.  Toward  its  close  Juan  de  la  Pezuela,  the  gov- 
ernor, founded  the  Royal  Academy  of  Belles-Let- 
tres, an  institution  of  literary  and  pedagogical  char- 
acter, with  the  functions  of  a normal  school.  It 
was  endowed  with  a modest  library,  but  it  only  lived 
till  the  year  1860,  when,  in  consequence  of  disagree- 
ment between  the  founder  and  the  professors,  the 
school  was  closed  and  the  library  passed  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  Economic  Society  of  Friends  of  the 
Country. 

This,  and  the  library  of  the  Royal  Academy, 
which  the  society  had  also  acquired,  formed  a small 
but  excellent  nucleus,  and  with  the  produce  of  the 
public  subscription  of  1884  it  was  enabled  to  stock 
its  library  with  many  of  the  best  standard  works  of 
the  time  in  Spanish  and  French,  and  open  to  the 
Puerto  Ricans  of  all  classes  the  doors  of  the  first 
long-wished-for  public  library. 

248 


Libraries  and  the  Press 


Since  then  it  has  contributed  in  no  small  degree 
to  the  enlightenment  of  the  better  part  of  the  labor- 
ing classes  in  the  capital,  till  it  was  closed  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war. 

During  the  transition  period  the  books  were  trans- 
ferred from  one  locality  to  another,  and  in  the  proc- 
ess the  best  works  disappeared,  until  the  island’s 
first  civil  governor,  Charles  H.  Allen,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Commissioner  of  Education  Martin  G. 
Brumbaugh,  rescued  the  remainder  and  made  it  the 
nucleus  of  the  first  American  free  library. 

The  second  Puerto  Rican  public  library  was 
opened  by  Don  Ramon  Santaella,  October  15,  1880, 
in  the  basement  of  the  Town  Hall.  It  began  with 
400  volumes,  and  possesses  to-day  6,361  literary  and 
didactic  books  in  difPerent  languages. 

The  Puerto  Rican  Atheneum  Library  w^as  estab- 
lished in  1876.  Its  collection  of  books,  consisting 
principally  of  Spanish  and  French  literature,  is  an 
important  one,  both  in  numbers  and  quality.  It  has 
been  enriched  by  accessions  of  books  from  the  library 
of  the  extinct  Society  of  Friends  of  the  Country.  It 
is  open  to  members  of  the  Atheneum  only,  or  to 
visitors  introduced  by  them. 

The  Casino  Espanol  possesses  a small  but  select 
library  with  a comfortable  reading-room.  Its  collec- 
tion of  books  and  periodicals  is  said  to  be  the  richest 
and  most  varied  in  the  island.  It  was  founded  in 
1871. 

The  religious  association  known  under  the  name 
of  Conferences  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  had  a small 
circulating  library  of  religious  works  duly  approved 

249 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

by  the  censors.  The  congregation  was  broken  up  in 
1887  and  the  library  disappeared. 

The  Provincial  Institute  of  Secondary  Education, 
which  was  located  in  the  building  now  occupied  b}' 
the  free  library  and  legislature,  possessed  a small  ped- 
agogical library  which  shared  the  same  fate  as  that  of 
the  Society  of  Friends  of  the  Country. 

The  Spanish  Public  Works  Department  possessed 
another  valuable  collection  of  books,  mostly  on  tech- 
nical and  scientific  subjects.  A number  of  books  ou 
other  than  technical  subjects,  probably  from  the 
extinct  libraries  just  referred  to,  have  been  added  to 
the  original  collection,  and  the  whole,  to  the  number 
of  1,544  volumes  in  excellent  condition,  exist  under 
the  care  of  the  chief  of  the  Public  Works  Depart- 
ment. 

Besides  the  above  specified  libraries  of  a public 
and  collegiate  character,  there  are  some  private  col- 
lections of  books  in  the  principal  towns  of  the  island. 
Chief  among  these  is  the  collection  of  Don  Fernando 
Juncos,  of  San  Juan,  which  contains  15,000  volumes 
of  classic  and  preceptive  literature  and  social  and 
economic  science,  1,200  volumes  of  which  bear  the 
author’s  autographs. 

The  desire  for  intellectual  improvement  began 
to  manifest  itself  in  the  interior  of  the  island  a few 
years  after  the  establishment  of  the  first  public 
library  in  the  capital.  The  municipality  of  Ponce 
founded  a library  in  1894.  It  contains  809  bound 
volumes  and  669  pamphlets  in  English,  German, 
French,  and  Spanish,  many  of  them  duplicates.  The 
general  condition  of  the  books  is  bad,  and  the  loca- 

250 


Libraries  and  the  Press 


tion  of  the  library  altogether  unsuitable.  There  was 
a municipal  appropriation  of  350  pesos  per  annum 
for  library  purposes,  but  since  1898  it  has  not  been 
available. 

Mayaguez  founded  its  public  library  in  1872.  It 
possesses  over  5,000  volumes,  with  a small  archeo- 
logical and  natural  history  museum  attached  to  it. 

Some  of  the  smaller  towns  also  felt  the  need  of 
intellectual  expansion,  and  tried  to  supply  it  by  the 
establishment  of  reading-rooms.  Arecibo,  Vega-Baja, 
Toa-Alta,  Yauco,  Cabo-Kojo,  Aguadilla,  Humacao, 
and  others  made  efForts  in  this  direction  either 
through  their  municipalities  or  private  initiative.  A 
few  only  succeeded,  but  they  did  not  outlive  the  crit- 
ical times  that  commenced  with  the  war,  aggravated 
by  the  hurricane  of  August,  1899. 

Since  the  American  occupation  of  the  island, 
four  public  libraries  have  been  established.  Two 
of  them  are  exclusively  Spanish,  the  Circulating 
Scholastic  Library,  inaiigurated  in  San  Juan  on 
February  22,  1901,  by  Don  Pedro  Carlos  Timothe, 
and  the  Circulating  Scholastic  Library  of  Yauco, 
established  a month  later  under  the  auspices  of 
S.  Egozcue  of  that  town.  The  two  others  are, 
one,  largely  English,  the  Pedagogical  Library,  estab- 
lished under  the  auspices  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Education,  and  the  San  Juan  Free  Library,  to  which 
Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  has  given  $100,000,  and  which 
is  polyglot,  and  was  formally  opened  to  the  public 
April  20,  1901.  There  is  also  a growing  number  of 
libraries  in  the  public  schools. 

251 


I'he  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

From  the  above  data  it  appears  that,  owing  to  the 
peculiar  conditions  that  obtained  in  this  island,  the 
people  of  Puerto  Rico  were  very  slow  in  joining  the 
movement  of  intellectual  expansion  which  began  in 
Spanish  America  in  the  eighteenth  century.  They 
did  so  at  last,  unaided  and  with  their  own  limited 
resources,  even  before  the  obstacles  placed  in  their 
way  by  the  Government  were  removed.  If  they  have 
not  achieved  more,  it  is  because  within  the  last  few 
decades  the  island  has  been  unfortunate  in  more  than 
one  respect.  Row  that  a new  era  has  dawned,  it  may 
reasonably  be  expected  that  the  increased  opportuni- 
ties for  intellectual  development  afforded  them  will 
be  duly  appreciated  and  taken  advantage  of  by  the 
people,  and  if  we  may  judge  from  the  eagerness  with 
which  the  youth  of  the  capital  reads  the  books  of  the 
San  Juan  Free  Library,  it  seems  clear  that  the  seed 
so  recently  sown  has  fallen  in  fruitful  soil. 

The  history  of  the  Press  in  Puerto  Rico  is  short. 
The  first  printing  machine  was  introduced  by  the 
Government  in  1807  for  the  purpose  of  publishing 
the  Official  Gazette.  Ro  serious  attempt  at  publica- 
tion of  any  periodical  for  the  people  was  made  till 
the  commencement  of  the  second  constitutional  period 
(1820-’23),  when,  for  the  first  time  in  the  island’s 
history,  public  affairs  could  be  discussed  without  the 
risk  of  imprisonment  or  banishment.  The  right  of 
association  was  also  recognized.  The  Society  of  Lib- 
eral Lovers  of  the  Country  and  the  Society  of  Lovers 
of  Science  were  formed  about  this  time.  The  Inves- 
tigator and  the  Constitutional  Gazette  were  published 

252 


Libraries  and  the  Press 


and  gave  food  for  nightly  discussions  on  political  and 
social  questions  in  the  coffee-house  on  the  Marina. 

The  period  of  freedom  of  spoken  and  written 
thought  was  short,  hut  an  impulse  had  been  given 
which  could  not  be  arrested.  In  1865  there  were 
eight  periodicals  published  in  the  island.  On  Sep' 
tember  29th  of  that  year  a law  regulating  the  publica- 
tion of  newspapers  indirectly  suppressed  half  of  them. 
It  contained  twenty  articles,  each  more  stringent  than 
the  other.  To  obtain  a license  to  publish  or  to  con- 
tinue publishing  a paper,  a deposit  of  2,000  crowns 
had  to  be  made  to  cover  the  fines  that  were  almost  sure 
to  be  imposed.  The  publications  were  subject  to  the 
strictest  censorship.  They  could  not  appear  till  the 
proofs  of  each  article  had  been  signed  by  the  censor, 
and  the  whole  process  of  printing  and  publishing  was 
fenced  in  by  such  minute  and  annoying  regulations, 
the  smallest  infraction  of  which  was  punished  by  such 
heavy  fines  that  it  was  a marvel  how  any  paper  could 
be  published  under  such  conditions.  These  condi- 
tions were  relaxed  a decade  or  two  later,  and  a num- 
ber of  publications  sprang  into  existence  at  once. 
When  the  United  States  Government  took  possession 
of  the  island,  there  were  9 periodicals  published  in 
San  Juan,  5 in  Ponce,  3 in  Mayaguez,  1 in  Ilumacao, 
and  a few  others  in  different  towns  of  the  interior. 


253 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 


THE  EEGULAE  AND  SECDLAE  CLEEGY 

In  Catholic  countries  the  monastic  orders  consti- 
tute the  regular  clergy.  The  secular  clergy  is  not 
bound  by  monastic  rules.  Both  classes  exercise  their 
functions  independently,  the  former  under  the  au- 
thority of  their  respective  superiors  or  generals,  the 
latter  under  the  bishops. 

When,  after  the  return  of  Columbus  from  his 
first  voyage,  the  existence  of  a new  world  was  demon- 
strated and  preparations  for  occupying  it  were  made, 
the  Pope,  to  assure  the  Christianization  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, gave  to  the  monks  of  all  orders  who  wished  to 
go  the  privilege,  pertaining  till  then  to  the  seciilar 
clergy  exclusively,  of  administering  parishes  and 
collecting  tithes  without  subjection  to  the  authority 
of  the  bishops. 

The  Dominicans  and  the  Franciscans  availed 
themselves  of  this  privilege  at  once.  There  was  ri- 
valry for  power  and  influence  between  these  two  or- 
ders from  the  time  of  their  first  installation,  and  they 
carried  their  quarrels  with  them  to  America,  where 
their  differences  of  opinion  regarding  the  enslaving 
and  treatment  of  the  Indians  embittered  them  still 
more.  The  Dominicans  secured  a footing  in  Santo 

254 


Sun  1' l•an(•isco  ('liiircli,  Sun  .Inun  ; llio  oldest  elinn  li  in  llie  city. 


The  Regular  and  Secular  Clergy 

Domingo  and  in  Puerto  Kico  almost  to  the  exclusion 
of  their  rivals,  notwithstanding  the  king’s  recom- 
mendation to  Ceron  in  1511  to  build  a monastery 
for  Franciscans,  whose  doctrines  he  considered  “ salu- 
tary.” 

Puerto  Rico  was  scantily  provided  with  priests  till 
the  year  1518,  when  the  treasurer,  Haro,  wrote  to 
Cardinal  Cisneros:  “There  are  no  priests  in  the 
granges  as  has  been  commanded;  only  one  in  Caparra, 
and  one  in  San  German.  The  island  is  badly  served. 
Send  us  a goodly  number  of  priests  or  permission 
to  pay  them  out  of  the  produce  of  the  tithes.” 

The  “ goodly  number  of  priests  ” was  duly  pro- 
vided. Immediately  after  the  transfer  of  the  capital 
to  its  present  site  in  1521,  the  Dominicans  began  the 
construction  of  a convent,  which  was  nearly  com- 
pleted in  1529,  when  there  were  25  friars  in  it.  They 
had  acquired  great  influence  over  Bishop  Manso,  and 
obtained  many  privileges  and  immunities  from  him. 
Bishop  Bastidas,  Manso’s  successor,  was  less  favor- 
ably disposed  toward  them,  and  demanded  payment 
of  tithes  of  the  produce  of  their  agricultural  estab- 
lishments. He  reported  to  the  king  in  1548:  “ There 
is  a Dominican  monastery  here  large  enough  for  a 
city  of  2,000  inhabitants,^  and  there  are  many  friars 
in  it.  They  possess  farms,  cattle,  negroes,  Indians, 
and  are  building  horse-power  sugar-mills ; meanwhile, 
I know  that  they  are  asking  your  Majesty  for  alms 
to  finish  their  church.  ...  It  were  better  to  oblige 


> San  Juan  had  only  about  100  "vecinos” — that  is,  white 
people. 


18 


255 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

them  to  sell  their  estates  and  live  in  poverty  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  rules  of  their  order.” 

The  Franciscans  came  to  Puerto  Eico  in  1534, 
but  founded  no  convent  till  1585,  when  one  of  their 
order,  Nicolas  Kamos,  was  appointed  to  the  see  of 
San  Juan.  Then  they  established  themselves  in  “la 
Aguada,”  and  named  the  settlement  San  Francisco 
de  Asis.  Two  years  later  it  was  destroyed  by  the 
Caribs,  and  five  of  the  brothers  martyrized.  No  at- 
tempt at  reconstruction  of  the  convent  was  made.  The 
order  abandoned  the  island  and  did  not  return  till 
1G42,  when  they  obtained  the  Pope’s  license  to  estab- 
lish themselves  in  the  capital.  Like  the  Dominicans, 
they  soon  acquired  considerable  wealth. 

The  privilege  of  administering  parishes  and  col- 
lecting tithes,  which  was  the  principal  source  of  mon- 
astic revenues,  was  canceled  by  royal  schedule  June 
13,  1757.  The  monks  continued  in  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  their  property  till  1835,  when  all  the  prop- 
erty of  the  regular  clergy  throughout  the  Peninsula 
and  the  colonies  was  expropriated  by  the  Govern- 
ment. In  this  island  the  convents  were  appropriated 
only  after  long  and  tedious  judicial  proceedings,  in 
which  the  Government  demonstrated  that  the  trans- 
fer was  necessary  for  the  public  good.  Then  the  con- 
vents were  used — that  of  the  Dominicans  as  Audiencia 
hall,  that  of  the  Franciscans  as  artillery  barracks. 
The  intendancy  took  charge  of  the  administration  of 
the  estate  of  the  two  communities,  the  mortmain  was 
canceled,  and  the  transfer  duly  legalized,  A promised 
indemnity  to  the  two  brotherhoods  was  never  paid, 
but  in  1897  a sum  of  5,000  pesos  annually  was  added 

256 


The  Regular  and  Secular  Clergy 

to  the  insular  budget,  to  be  paid  to  the  clergy  as 
compensation  for  the  expropriated  estate  of  the  Do- 
minicans in  San  German.  Succeeding  political  events 
prevented  the  payment  of  this  also.  The  last  repre- 
sentatives in  this  island  of  the  two  dispossessed  orders 
died  in  San  Juan  about  the  year  1865. 

Bishop  Monserrate  made  an  effort  to  reestablish 
the  order  of  Franciscans  in  1875-’76.  Only  three 
brothers  came  to  the  island  and  they,  not  liking  the 
aspect  of  affairs,  went  to  South  America. 

The  first  head  of  the  secular  clergy  in  Puerto 
Rico  was  nominated  in  1511.  The  Catholic  princes 
besought  Pope  Julius  II  to  make  it  a bishopric, 
and  recommended  as  its  first  prelate  Alonzo  Manso, 
canon  of  Salamanca,  doctor  in  theology,  a man  held 
in  high  esteem  at  court.  His  Holiness  granted  the 
request,  and  designated  the  whole  of  the  island  as 
the  diocese,  with  the  principal  settlement  in  it  as 
the  see. 

The  subsequent  conquests  on  the  mainland  kept 
adding  vast  territories  to  this  diocese  till,  toward 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  included  the 
whole  region  extending  from  the  upper  Orinoco  to 
the  Amazon,  and  from  Guiana  to  the  plains  of 
Bogota.  Manso’s  successors  repeatedly  represented 
to  the  king  the  absolute  impossibility  of  attending  to 
the  spiritual  wants  of  “ the  lambs  that  were  continu- 
ally added  to  the  flock.”  They  requested  that  the  see 
might  be  transferred  to  the  mainland  or  that  the 
diocese  might  be  divided  in  two  or  more.  This  was 
done  in  1791,  when  the  diocese  of  Guiana  was  created, 

257 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

and  Puerto  Rico  with  the  island  of  Vieyques  re- 
mained as  the  original  one. 

The  bishop  came  to  San  Juan  in  1513,  and  at 
once  began  to  dispose  all  that  was  necessary  to  give 
splendor  and  good  government  to  the  first  episcopal 
seat  in  America.  Unfortunately,  he  arrived  at  a time 
when  dissension,  strife,  and  immorality  were  rampant ; 
and  when  it  became  known  that  he  was  authorized 
to  collect  his  tithes  in  specie,  the  opposition  of  the 
quarrelsome  and  insubordinate  inhabitants  became  so 
violent  that  the  prelate  could  not  exercise  his  func- 
tions, and  was  forced  to  return  to  the  Peninsula  in 
1515.  He  came  back  in  1519,  invested  with  the 
powers  of  a Provincial  Inquisitor,  which  he  exercised 
till  1539,  when  he  died  and  was  buried  in  the  cathe- 
dral, where  a monument  with  an  alabaster  effigy 
marked  his  tomb  till  1625,  when  it  was  destroyed  by 
the  Hollanders. 

Rodrigo  Bastidas,  a native  of  Santo  Domingo, 
was  Manso’s  successor.  He  was  appointed  Bishop  of 
Coro  in  Venezuela  in  1532,  but  solicited  and  obtained 
the  see  of  Puerto  Rico  in  1512.  He  was  a man  of 
great  capacity,  virtuous  and  benevolent.  He  ad\fised 
the  suppression  of  the  Inquisition,  asked  the  Gov- 
ernment for  facilities  to  educate  the  youth  and  ad- 
vance the  agricultural  interests  of  his  diocese,  and 
commenced  the  construction  of  the  cathedral.  He 
died  in  Santo  Domingo  in  1561,  very  old  and  very 
rich. 

Friar  Diego  de  Salamanca,  of  the  order  of  Augus- 
tines,  succeeded  Bastidas.  He  continued  the  construc- 
tion of  the  cathedral,  but  soon  returned  to  the 

258 


The  Regular  and  Secular  Clergy 

metropolis,  leaving  the  diocese  to  the  care  of  the 
Vicar-General,  Santa  Olaya,  till  1585,  when  the 
Franciscan  friar  Nicolas  Ramos  was  appointed  to  the 
see.  He  was  the  last  Bishop  of  Puerto  Rico  who 
united  the  functions  of  inquisitor  with  those  of  the 
episcopate,  and  a zealous  burner  of  heretics.  After 
him  the  see  remained  vacant  for  fourteen  years;  since 
then,  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  were 
39  consecrated  prelates,  9 of  whom  renounced,  or  for 
some  other  reason  did  not  take  possession.  The  most 
distinguished  among  the  remaining  30  were:  Ber- 
nardo Balbuena,  poet  and  author,  1623-’27 ; Friar 
]\Ianuel  Gimenez  Perez,  pious,  active,  and  philanthro- 
pist, 1770-’84;  and  Juan  Alejo  Arismendi,  who, 
according  to  the  Latin  inscription  on  his  tomb,  was 
an  amiable,  religious,  upright,  zealous,  compassion- 
ate, learned,  decorous,  active,  leading,  benevolent, 
paternal  man.  Of  the  rest  little  more  is  known  than 
their  names  and  the  dates  of  their  assumption  of 
office  and  demise. 

The  year  1842  was,  for  the  secular  clergy,  one  of 
anxiety  for  the  safety  of  their  long  and  assiduously 
accumulated  wealth.  The  members  to  the  number  of 
17  individuals,  inchiding  the  bishop,  drew  annual 
stipends  from  the  insular  treasury  to  the  amount  of 
36,888  pesos,  besides  which  they  possessed  and  still 
possess  a capital  of  over  one  and  a half  millions  of 
pesos,  represented  by:  1.  Vacant  chaplaincies.  2. 
Investments  under  the  head  Ecclesiastical  Chapter. 
3.  Idem  for  account  of  the  Carmelite  Sisterhood.  4. 
Legacies  to  saints  for  the  purpose  of  celebrating 

259 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

masses  and  processions  in  all  the  parishes  of  the 
island.  5.  Pious  donations.  6.  Fraternities  and  relig- 
ious associations  for  the  worship  of  some  special  saint. 
7.  Revenues  from  an  institution  known  by  the  name 
of  Third  Orders.  8.  Capital  invested  by  the  founders 
of  the  Hospital  of  the  Conception,  the  income  of 
which  is  mostly  consumed  by  the  nuns  of  that  order. 
And  9.  The  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  different  kinds 
in  San  German. 

All  this  was  put  in  jeopardy  by  the  following 
decree: 

“ Dona  Isabel  II,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  the 
Constitution  of  the  Spanish  Monarchy,  Queen  of 
Spain,  and  during  her  minority  Baldomero  Espartero, 
Duke  of  ‘ la  Victoria  ’ and  Morelia,  Regent  of  the 
kingdom,  to  all  who  these  presents  may  see  and  under- 
stand, makes  known  that  the  Cortes  have  decreed, 
and  we  have  sanctioned,  as  follows: 

“Article  I.  All  properties  of  the  secular  clergy 
of  whatever  class;  rights  or  shares  of  whatever  origin 
or  denomination  they  may  be,  or  for  whatever  appli- 
cation or  purpose  they  may  have  been  given,  bought, 
or  acquired,  are  national  properties. 

“Art.  II.  The  properties,  rights,  and  shares  cor- 
responding in  any  manner  to  ecclesiastical  unions  or 
fraternities,  are  also  national  properties. 

“Art.  III.  All  estates,  rights,  and  shares  of  the 
cathedral,  collegiate  and  parochial  clergy  and  eccle- 
siastical unions  and  fraternities  referred  to  in  the 
preceding  articles,  are  hereby  declared  for  sale.” 


260 


The  Regular  and  Secular  Clergy 

The  15  articles  that  follow  specify  the  properties 
in  detail,  the  manner  of  sale,  the  disposition  of  the 
products,  administration  of  rents,  etc. 

The  law  was  not  carried  into  effect.  Espartero, 
very  popular  at  first,  by  adopting  the  principles  of 
the  progressist  party,  forfeited  the  support  of  the 
conservatives — that  is,  of  the  clerical  party,  and  the 
man  is  not  born  yet  who  can  successfully  introduce 
into  Spain  a radical  reform  of  the  nature  of  the  one 
he  sanctioned  with  his  signature  September  2,  1841. 
From  that  moment  his  overthrow  was  certain.  Nar- 
vaez headed  the  revolution  against  him,  his  own 
officers  and  men  abandoned  him,  and  on  July  30, 
1843,  he  wrote  his  farewell  manifesto  to  the  nation 
on  board  a British  ship  of  war. 


261 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 


THE  INQUISITION 
1620-1813 

Bishop  Manso,  on  his  arrival  in  1513,  found 
Puerto  Rico  in  a state  bordering  on  anarchy,  and 
after  vain  attempts  to  check  the  prevalent  im- 
morality and  establish  the  authority  of  the  Church, 
he  returned  to  Spain  in  1519.  The  account  he  gave 
Cardinal  Cisneros  of  the  island’s  condition  suggested 
to  the  Grand  Inquisitor  the  obvious  remedy  of  cloth- 
ing the  bishop  with  the  powers  of  Provincial  Inquis- 
itor, which  he  did. 

Diego  Torres  Vargas,  the  canon  of  the  San  Juan 
Cathedral,  says  in  his  memoirs:  “Manso  was  made 
inquisitor,  and  he,  being  the  first,  may  be  said  to  have 
been  the  Inquisitor-General  of  the  Indies;  . . . the 
delinquents  were  brought  from  all  parts  to  be  burned 
and  punished  here.  . . . The  Inquisition  building 
exists  till  this  day  (1647),  and  until  the  coming  of 
the  Hollanders  in  1625  many  sambenitos  could  be 
seen  in  the  cathedral  hung  up  behind  the  choir.” 

These  “ sambenitos  ” were  sacks  of  coarse  yellow 
cloth  with  a large  red  cross  on  them,  and  figures  of 
devils  and  instruments  of  torture  among  the  flames 
of  hell.  The  delinquents,  dressed  in  one  of  these 

262 


The  Inquisition 

sacks,  bareheaded  and  barefooted,  were  made  to  do 
penance,  or,  if  condemned  to  be  burned,  marched  to 
the  place  of  execution.  It  is  said  that  in  San  Juan 
they  were  not  tied  to  a stake  but  enclosed  in  a hollow 
plaster  cast,  against  which  the  faggots  were  piled,^ 
so  that  they  were  roasted  rather  than  burned  to  death. 
The  place  for  burning  the  sinners  was  outside  the 
gate  of  the  fort  San  Cristobal.  Mr.  M.  F.  Juncos  be- 
lieves that  the  prisons  were  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
Dominican  Convent,  later  the  territorial  audience 
and  now  the  supreme  court,  but  Mr.  Salvador  Bran 
thinks  that  they  occupied  a plot  of  ground  in  the 
angle  formed  by  Cristo  Street  and  the  “ Caleta  ” of 
San  Juan. 

Of  Nicolas  Ramos,  the  last  Bishop  of  Puerto 
Rico,  who  united  the  functions  of  inquisitor  with 
the  duties  of  the  episcopate,  Canon  Vargas  says: 
“ . . . He  was  very  severe,  burning  and  punishing, 
as  was  his  duty,  some  of  the  people  whose  cases  came 
before  him.  . . 

It  seems  that  the  records  of  the  Inquisition  in 
this  island  were  destroyed  and  the  traditions  of  its 
doings  suppressed,  because  nothing  is  said  regarding 
them  by  the  native  commentators  on  the  island’s  his- 
tory. Only  the  names  of  a few  of  the  leading  men 
who  came  in  contact  with  the  Tribunal  have  come 
down  to  us.  Licentiate  Sancho  Velasquez,  who  was 
accused  of  speaking  against  the  faith  and  eating 
meat  in  Lent,  appears  to  have  been  Manso’s  first  vic- 
tim, since  he  died  in  a dungeon.  A clergyman  named 


* Neumann,  p.  205. 

263 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Juan  Carecras  was  sent  to  Spain  at  the  disposition  of 
the  general,  for  the  crime  of  practising  surgery.  In 
the  same  year  (1536)  we  find  the  treasurer,  Bias 
de  Villasante,  in  an  Inquisition  dungeon,  because, 
though  married  in  Spain,  he  cohabited  with  a native 
woman — an  offense  too  common  at  that  time  not  to 
leave  room  for  suspicion  that  the  treasurer  must  have 
made  himself  obnoxious  to  the  Holy  Office  in  some 
other  way.  In  1537,  a judge  auditor  was  sent  from 
the  Espanola,  but  the  parties  whose  accounts  were  to 
be  audited  contrived  to  have  him  arrested  by  the 
officers  of  the  Inquisition  on  the  day  of  his  arrival. 
Doctor  Juan  Blazquez,  having  attempted  to  correct 
some  abuses  committed  by  the  Admiral’s  employees 
in  connivance  with  the  Inquisition  agents,  suffered 
forty  days’  imprisonment,  and  was  condemned  to  hear 
a mass  standing  erect  all  the  time,  besides  paying  a 
fine  of  50  pesos. 

These  are  the  only  cases  on  record.  Only  the 
walls  of  the  Inquisition  building,  could  they  speak, 
could  reveal  what  passed  within  them  from  the  time 
of  Manso’s  arrival  in  1520  to  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  when  the  West  Indian  Superior  Tribunal 
was  transferred  to  Cartagena,  and  a special  subor- 
dinate judge  only  was  left  in  San  Juan.  Bishop  Ro- 
drigo de  Bastidas,  who  visited  San  J nan  on  a Govern- 
ment commission  in  1533,  perceiving  the  abuses  that 
were  committed  in  the  inquisitor’s  name,  proposed 
the  abolition  of  the  Holy  Office;  but  the  odious  insti- 
tution continued  to  exist  till  1813,  when  the  extraor- 
dinary Cortes  of  Cadiz  removed,  for  a time,  this  blot 
on  Spanish  history. 


264 


The  Inquisition 

The  decree  is  dated  February  22d,  and  accom- 
panied by  a manifesto  which  is  an  instructive  his- 
torical document  in  itself.  It  shows  that  the  Cortes 
dared  not  attempt  the  suppression  of  the  dreaded 
Tribunal  without  first  convincing  the  people  of  the 
disconnection  of  the  measure  with  the  religious  ques- 
tion, and  justifying  it  as  one  necessary  for  the  public 
weal. 

“ You  can  not  doubt,”  they  say,  ‘‘  that  we  endeav- 
or to  maintain  in  this  kingdom  the  Catholic,  Apos- 
tolic, Eoman  religion,  which  you  have  the  happiness 
to  profess;  . . . the  deputies  elected  by  you  know, 
as  do  the  legislators  of  all  times  and  all  nations,  that 
a social  edifice  not  founded  on  religion,  is  constructed 
in  vain;  . . . the  true  religion  which  we  profess  is 
the  greatest  blessing  which  God  has  bestowed  on  the 
Spanish  people;  we  do  not  recognize  as  Spaniards 
those  who  do  not  profess  it.  . . . It  is  the  surest  sup- 
port of  all  private  and  social  virtues,  of  fidelity  to  the 
laws  and  to  the  monarch,  of  the  love  of  country  and 
of  just  liberty,  which  are  graven  in  every  Spanish 
heart,  which  have  impelled  you  to  battle  with  the 
hosts  of  the  usurper,  vanquishing  and  annihilating 
them,  while  braving  hunger  and  nakedness,  torture, 
and  death.” 

The  Inquisition  is  next  referred  to.  It  is  stated 
that  in  their  constant  endeavor  to  hasten  the  termina- 
tion of  the  evils  that  afflict  the  Spanish  nation,  the 
people’s  representatives  have  first  given  their  atten- 
tion to  the  Inquisition;  that,  with  the  object  of  dis- 
covering the  exact  civil  and  ecclesiastical  status  of 
the  Holy  Office,  they  have  examined  all  the  papal  bulls 

265 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

and  other  documents  that  could  throw  light  on  the 
subject,  and  have  discovered  that  only  the  Inquisitor- 
General  had  ecclesiastical  powers;  that  the  Provin- 
cial Inquisitors  were  merely  his  delegates  acting  under 
his  instructions;  that  no  supreme  inquisitorial  council 
had  ever  been  instituted  by  papal  brief,  and  that  the 
general,  being  with  the  enemy  (the  French  troops), 
no  Inquisition  really  existed.  From  these  investiga- 
tions the  Cortes  had  acquired  a knowledge  of  the 
mode  of  procedure  of  the  tribunals,  of  their  history, 
and  of  the  opinion  of  them  entertained  by  the  Cortes 
of  the  kingdom  in  early  days.  “ . . . We  will  now 
speak  frankly  to  you,”  continues  the  document,  “ for 
it  is  time  that  you  should  know  the  naked  truth,  and 
that  the  veil  be  lifted  with  which  false  politicians 
have  covered  their  designs. 

“ Examining  the  instructions  by  which  the  pro- 
vincial tribunals  were  governed,  it  becomes  clear  at 
first  sight  that  the  soul  of  the  institution  was  invio- 
lable secrecy.  This  covered  all  the  proceedings  of  the 
inquisitors,  and  made  them  the  arbiters  of  the  life 
and  honor  of  all  Spaniards,  without  responsibility  to 
anybody  on  earth.  They  were  men,  and  as  such  sub- 
ject to  the  same  errors  and  passions  as  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, and  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  nation  did  not 
exact  responsibility  since,  in  virtue  of  the  temporal 
power  that  had  been  delegated  to  them,  they  con- 
demned to  seclusion,  imprisonment,  torture,  and 
death.  Thus  the  inquisitors  exercised  a power  which 
the  Constitution  denies  to  every  authority  in  the 
land  save  the  sacred  person  of  the  king. 

“ Another  notable  circumstance  made  the  power 

266 


The  Inquisition 

of  the  Inquisitors-General  still  more  unusual;  this 
was  that,  without  consulting  the  king  or  the  Supreme 
Pontiff,  they  dictated  laws,  changed  them,  abolished 
them,  or  substituted  them  by  others,  so  that  there  was 
within  the  nation  a judge,  the  Inquisitor-General, 
whose  powers  transcended  those  of  the  sovereign. 

“ Here  now  how  the  Tribunal  proceeded  with  the 
offenders.  When  an  accusation  was  made,  the  accused 
were  taken  to  a secret  prison  without  being  permitted 
to  communicate  with  parents,  children,  relations,  or 
friends,  till  they  were  condemned  or  absolved.  Their 
families  were  denied  the  consolation  of  weeping  with 
them  over  their  misfortunes  or  of  assisting  them  in 
their  defense.  The  accused  was  not  only  deprived  of 
the  assistance  of  his  relations  and  friends,  but  in  no 
case  was  he  informed  of  the  name  of  his  accuser  nor 
of  the  witnesses  who  declared  against  him;  and  in 
order  that  he  might  not  discover  who  they  were,  they 
used  to  truncate  the  declarations  and  make  them  ap- 
pear as  cofning  from  a third  party. 

“ Some  one  will  be  bold  enough  to  say  that  the 
rectitude  and  the  religious  character  of  the  inquisi- 
tors prevented  the  confusion  of  the  innocent  with  the 
criminal;  but  the  experiences  of  many  years  and  the 
history  of  the  Inquisition  give  the  lie  to  such  assur- 
ances. They  show  us  sage  and  saintly  men  in  the 
Tribunal’s  dungeons.  Sixtus  IV  himself,  who,  at  the 
request  of  the  Catholic  kings,  had  sanctioned  the 
creation  of  the  Tribunal,  complained  strongly  of  the 
innumerable  protests  that  reached  him  from  perse- 
cuted people  who  had  been  falsely  accused  of  heresy. 
Neither  the  virtue  nor  the  position  of  distinguished 

267 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

men  conld  protect  them.  The  venerable  Archbishop 
of  Grenada,  formerly  the  confessor  of  Queen  Isabel, 
suffered  most  rigorous  persecutions  from  the  inquisi- 
tors of  Cordova,  and  the  same  befell  the  Archbishop 
of  Toledo,  Friar  Louis  de  Leon,  the  venerable  Avila, 
Father  Siguenza,  and  many  other  eminent  men. 

“ In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  no  paradox  to  say 
that  ilie  ignorance,  the  decadence  of  science,  of  the 
arts,  commerce  and  agriculture,  the  depopulation  and 
poverty  of  Spain,  are  mainly  due  to  the  Inquisition. 

“ I low  the  Inquisition  could  be  established  among 
such  a noble  and  generous  people  as  the  Spanish,  will 
be  a difficult  problem  for  posterity  to  solve.  It  will 
be  more  difficult  still  to  explain  how  such  a Tribunal 
could  exist  for  more  than  three  hundred  years.  Cir- 
cumstances favored  its  establishment.  It  was  intro- 
duced under  the  pretext  of  restraining  the  Moors  and 
the  Jews,  who  were  obnoxious  to  the  Spanish  people, 
and  who  found  protection  in  their  financial  relations 
with  the  most  illustrious  families  of  the  kingdom. 
IVith  such  plausible  motives  the  politicians  of  the 
time  covered  a measure  which  was  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  the  monarchy.  Religion  demanded  it  as  a 
protection,  and  the  people  permitted  it,  though  not 
without  strong  protest.  As  soon  as  the  causes  that 
called  the  Inquisition  into  existence  had  ceased,  the 
people’s  attorneys  in  Cortes  demanded  the  establish- 
ment of  the  legal  mode  of  procedure.  The  Cortes 
of  Valladolid  of  1518  and  1523  asked  from  the  king 
that  in  matters  of  religion  the  ordinary  judges  might 
be  declared  competent,  and  that  in  the  proceedings 
the  canons  and  common  codes  might  be  followed ; the 

268 


The  Inquisition 

Cortes  of  Saragossa  asked  the  same  in  1519,  and  the 
kings  would  have  acceded  to  the  will  of  the  people, 
expressed  through  their  representatives,  especially  in 
view  of  the  indirect  encouragement  to  do  so  which 
they  received  from  the  Holy  See,  but  for  the  influ- 
ence of  those  with  tvhom  they  were  surrounded  who 
had  an  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the  odious 
institution.” 

The  manifesto  terminates  with  an  assurance  to 
the  Spanish  people  that,  under  the  new  law,  heresy 
would  not  go  unpunished;  that,  under  the  new  system 
of  judicial  proceedings,  the  innocent  would  no  longer 
be  confounded  with  the  criminal.  “ . . . There  will 
be  no  more  voluntary  errors,  no  more  suborned  wit- 
nesses, offenders  will  henceforth  be  judged  by  upright 
magistrates  in  accordance  with  the  sacred  canons  and 
the  civil  code.  . . . Then,  genius  and  talent  will  dis- 
play all  their  energies  without  fear  of  being  checked 
in  their  career  by  intrigue  and  calumny;  . . . sci- 
ence, the  arts,  agriculture,  and  commerce  will  flourish 
under  the  guidance  of  the  distinguished  men  who 
abound  in  Spain.  . . . The  king,  the  bishops,  all  the 
venerable  ecclesiastics  will  instruct  the  faithful  in 
the  Roman  Catholic  Apostolic  religion  without  fear 
of  seeing  its  beauty  tarnished  by  ignorance  and  super- 
stition, and,  who  knows,  this  decree  may  contribute 
to  the  realization,  .some  day,  of  religious  fraternity 
among  all  nations!  ” 

From  this  beautiful  dream  the  Cortes  were  rudely 
awakened  the  very  next  year  when  King  Ferdinand 
VTT,  replaced  on  his  throne  by  the  powers  who  formed 
the  holy  alliance,  entered  Madrid  s\;rrounded  by  a 

269 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

host  of  retrograde,  revengeful  priests.  Then  the 
Kegency,  the  Cortes,  the  Constitution  were  ignored. 
The  deputies  were  the  first  to  suffer  exile,  imprison- 
ment, and  death  in  return  for  their  loyalty  and  lib- 
eralism; the  public  press  was  silenced;  the  convents 
reopened,  municipalities  and  provincial  deputations 
abolished,  the  Jesuits  restored,  the  Inquisition  rees- 
tablished, and  priestcraft  once  more  spread  its  influ- 
ence over  the  mental  and  social  life  of  a naturally 
generous,  brave,  and  intelligent  people. 


270 


CHAPTER  XXXIX 


GEOWTH  OF  CITIES 

The  proceedings  in  the  formation  of  a Spanish 
settlement  in  the  sixteenth  century  were  the  same 
everywhere.  For  the  choice  of  a site  the  presence  of 
gold  was  a condition  sine  qua  non,  without  gold,  no 
matter  how  beautiful  or  fertile  the  region,  no  settle- 
ment was  made. 

When  a favorable  locality  was  found  the  first 
thing  done  was  to  construct  a fort,  because  the  na- 
tives, friendly  disposed  at  first,  were  not  long  in 
becoming  the  deadly  enemies  of  the  handful  of  stran- 
gers who  constituted  themselves  their  masters.  The 
next  requisite  was  a church  or  chapel  in  which  to 
invoke  the  divine  blessing  on  the  enterprise,  or  maybe 
to  appease  the  divine  wrath  at  the  iniquities  com- 
mitted. Last,  but  certainly  not  least  in  importance, 
came  the  smelting-house,  where  the  King  of  Spain’s 
share  of  the  gold  was  separated. 

Around  these  the  settlers  grouped  their  houses  or 
huts  as  they  pleased. 

The  first  settlement  on  this  island  was  made  in 
1508,  on  the  north  coast,  at  the  distance  of  more 
than  a league  from  the  present  port  of  San  Juan, 
the  space  between  being  swampy.  Ponce  called  it 
Caparra. 


19 


271 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

When  the  promising  result  of  Ponce’s  first  visit 
to  the  island  was  communicated  to  King  Ferdinand 
by  Ovando,  the  Governor  of  la  Espanola,  his  High- 
ness replied  in  a letter  dated  Valladolid,  September 
15,  1509:  “I  note  the  good  services  rendered  by 
Ponce  and  that  he  has  not  gone  to  settle  the  island  for 
want  of  means.  Kow  that  they  are  being  sent  from 
here  in  abundance,  let  him  go  at  once  with  as  many 
men  as  he  can.”  To  Ponce  himself  the  king  wrote: 
“ I have  seen  yoiir  letter  of  August  IGth.  Be  very 
diligent  in  the  search  for  gold-mines.  Take  out  as 
much  as  possible,  smelt  it  in  la  Espanola  and  remit 
it  instantly.  Settle  the  island  as  best  you  can.  Write 
often  and  let  me  know  what  is  needed  and  what 
passes.” 

Armed  with  these  instructions,  and  with  his  ap- 
pointment as  governor  ad  interim,  Ponce  returned 
to  San  Juan  in  February,  1510,  with  his  wife  and 
two  daughters,  settled  in  Caparra,  where,  before  his 
departure  in  1509,  he  had  built  a house  of  stamped 
earth  (tapia),  and  where  some  of  the  companions  of 
his  first  expedition  had  resided  ever  since.  Ponce’s 
house,  afterward  built  of  stone,  served  as  a fort. 
A church  or  chapel  existed  already,  and  we  know  that 
there  was  a smelting-house,  because  we  read  that  the 
first  gold-smelting  took  place  in  Caparra  in  October, 
1510,  and  that  the  king’s  one-fifth  came  to  2,645 
pesos. 

With  the  reinstatement  of  Ceron  and  Diaz,  com- 
plaints about  the  distance  of  the  settlement  from  the 
port,  and  its  unhealthy  location,  soon  reached  the 
king’s  ears,  accompanied  by  requests  for  permission 

272 


Plaza  Alphoiiso  XII  and  liitendencia  liuildiiig,  San  Juan. 


Growth  of  Cities 


to  transfer  it  to  an  islet  near  the  shore.  No  action 
was  taken.  In  November,  1511,  the  monarch  wrote 
to  Ceron:  “ Ponce  says  that  he  founded  the  town  of 
Caparra  in  the  most  favorable  locality  of  the  island. 
I fear  that  you  want  to  change  it.  You  shall  not  do 
so  without  our  special  approval.  If  there  is  just 
reason  for  moving  you  must  first  inform  me.” 

Caparra  remained  for  the  time  the  only  settle- 
ment, and  was  honored  with  the  name  of  “ City  of 
Puerto  Rico.”  A municipal  council  was  installed,  and 
the  king  granted  the  island  a coat  of  arms  which 
differed  slightly  from  that  used  by  the  authorities 
till  lately. 

The  next  settlement  was  made  on  the  south  shore, 
at  a place  named  Guanica,  “ where  there  is  a bay,” 
says  Oviedo,  ‘‘  which  is  one  of  the  best  in  the  world, 
but  the  mosquitoes  were  so  numerous  that  they  alone 
were  sufficient  to  depopulate  it.”  ^ The  Spaniards 
then  moved  to  Aguada,  on  the  northwestern  shore, 
and  founded  a settlement  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  their  leader  Soto  Mayor. 

This  was  a young  man  of  aristocratic  birth,  ex- 
secretary  of  King  Philip,  surnamed  “ the  Hand- 
some.” He  had  come  to  the  Indies  with  a license 
authorizing  him  to  traffic  in  captive  Indians,  and 
Ponce,  wishing,  no  doubt,  to  enlist  the  young  hidal- 
go’s family  influence  at  the  court  in  his  favor,  made 
him  high  constable  (alguacil  mayor)  of  the  southern 
division  (June,  1510). 


* The  first  landing  of  the  American  troops  was  effected  here 
on  July  25,  1898. 


273 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

The  new  settlement’s  existence  was  short.  It 
was  destroyed  by  the  Indians  in  the  insurrection 
of  February  of  the  following  year,  when  Christo- 
pher Soto  Mayor  and  80  more  of  his  countrymen, 
who  had  imprudently  settled  in  isolated  localities 
in  the  interior,  fell  victims  of  the  rage  of  the  na- 
tives. 

Diego  Columbus  proposed  the  reconstruction  of 
the  destroyed  settlement,  with  the  appellation  of  San 
German.  The  king  approved,  and  near  the  end  of 
the  year  1512,  Miguel  del  Torro,  one  of  Ponce’s  com- 
panions, was  delegated  to  choose  a site.  He  fixed  upon 
the  bay  of  Guayanilla,  eastward  of  Guanica,  and 
San  German  became  the  port  of  call  for  the  Spanish 
ships  bound  to  Paria.  Its  proximity  to  the  “ pearl 
coast,”  as  the  north  shore  of  Venezuela  was  named, 
made  it  the  point  of  departure  for  all  who  wished 
to  reach  that^  coast  or  escape  from  the  shores  of 
poverty-stricken  Puerto  Rico — namely,  the  dreamers 
of  the  riches  of  Peru,  those  who,  like  Sedeno,  aspired 
to  new  conquests  on  the  mainland,  or  crown  offi- 
cers who  had  good  reasons  for  wishing  to  avoid 
giving  an  account  of  their  administration  of  the 
royal  revenues.  The  comparative  prosperity  which 
it  enjoyed  made  San  German  the  object  of  repeat- 
ed attacks  by  the  French  privateers.  It  was  burned 
and  plundered  several  times  during  the  forty-three 
years  of  its  existence,  till  one  day  in  September, 
1554,  three  French  ships  of  the  line  entered  the 
port  and  landed  a detachment  of  troops  who  plun- 
dered and  destroyed  everything  to  a distance  of  a 
league  and  a half  into  the  interior.  From  that 

274 


Growth  of  Cities 


day  San  German,  founded  by  Miguel  del  Torro, 
ceased  to  exist. 

The  town  with  the  same  name,  existing  at  pres- 
ent on  the  southwest  coast,  was  founded  in  1570  by 
Governor  Francisco  Solis  with  the  remains  of  the  ill- 
fated  settlement  on  the  bay  of  Guayanilla.  The 
Dominican  friars  had  a large  estate  in  this  neigh- 
borhood, and  the  new  settlement  enhanced  its  value. 
Both  the  governor  and  the  bishop  were  natives  of 
Salamanca,  and  named  the  place  New  Salamanca,  but 
the  name  of  New  San  German  has  prevailed.  In 
1626  the  new  town  had  50  citizens  (vecinos). 

San  Juan. — Licentiate  Velasquez,  one  of  the 
king’s  officers  at  Caparra,  wrote  to  his  Highness  in 
April,  1515:  “ . . . The  people  of  this  town  wish  to 
move  to  an  islet  in  the  port.  I w’ent  to  see  it  with  the 
town  council  and  it  looks  well  and  some  time  later: 
“ . . . We  will  send  a description  of  the  islet  to  which 
it  is  convenient  to  remove  the  town  of  Puerto  Bico.” 

Ponce  opposed  the  change.  His  reasons  were 
that  the  locality  of  Caparra  was  dry  and  level,  with 
abundance  of  wood,  water,  and  pasture,  and  that  most 
of  the  inhabitants,  occupied  as  they  were  with  gold- 
washing, had  to  provide  themselves  with  pro\dsions 
from  the  neighboring  granges.  He  recognized  that 
the  islet  was  healthier,  but  maintained  that  the  change 
would  benefit  only  the  traders. 

The  dispute  continued  for  some  time.  Medical 
certificates  were  presented  declaring  Caparra  un- 
healthy. The  leading  inhabitants  declared  their  opin- 
ion in  favor  of  the  transfer.  A petition  was  signed 
and  addressed  to  the  Jerome  friars,  who  governed  in 

275 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

la  Espanola,  and  they  ordered  the  transfer  in  June, 
1519.  Ponce  was  permitted  to  remain  in  his  stone 
house  in  the  abandoned  town  as  long  as  he  liked. 
In  November,  1520,  Castro  wrote  to  the  emperor 
expressing  his  satisfaction  with  the  change,  and  asked 
that  a fort  and  a stone  smelting-house  might  be  con- 
structed, because  the  one  in  use  w’as  of  straw  and  had 
been  burned  on  several  occasions.  Finally,  in  1521, 
the  translation  of  the  capital  of  Puerto  Rico  to  its 
present  site  was  officially  recognized  and  approved. 

There  were  now  tw’o  settlements  in  the  island. 
There  were  35  citizens  in  each  in  1515,  but  the 
gold  produced  attracted  others,  and  in  1529  the 
Bishop  of  la  Espanola  reported  that  there  were  120 
houses  in  San  Juan,  “ some  of  stone,  the  majority 
of  straw.  The  church  was  roofed  while  I was  there.” 
He  says,  “ a Dominican  monastery  was  in  course  of 
construction,  nearly  finished,  with  more  than  125 
friars  in  it.” 

During  the  next  five  years  the  gold  produce  rap- 
idly diminished;  the  Indians,  who  extracted  it, 
escaped  or  died.  Tempests  and  epidemics  devastated 
the  land.  The  Caribs  and  the  French  freebooters 
destroyed  what  the  former  spared.  All  those  who 
could,  emigrated  to  Mexico  or  Peru,  and  such  was  the 
depopulated  condition  of  the  capital,  that  Governor 
Lando  wrote  in  1534:  ‘‘If  a ship  with  50  men  were 
to  come  during  the  night,  they  could  land  and  kill 
all  who  live  here.” 

With  the  inhabitants  engaged  in  the  cultivation 
of  sugar-cane,  some  improvement  in  their  condition 
took  place.  Still,  there  were  only  130  citizens  in 

276 


Growth  of  Cities 


San  Juan  in  1556,  and  only  30  in  New  San  Ger- 
man. In  1595,  when  Drake  appeared  before  San 
Juan  with  a fleet  of  26  ships,  the  governor  could 
only  muster  a few  peons  and  50  horsemen,  and  but 
for  the  accidental  presence  of  the  Spanish  frigates, 
Puerto  Rico  would  probably  be  an  English  possession 
to-day.  It  was  taken  by  the  Duke  of  Cumberland 
four  years  later,  but  abandoned  again  on  account  of 
the  epidemic  that  broke  out  among  the  English 
troops.  When  the  Hollanders  laid  siege  to  the  capi- 
tal in  1625  there  were  only  330  men  between  citizens 
and  jibaros  that  could  be  collected  for  the  defense. 
In  1646  there  were  500  citizens  and  400  houses  in 
San  Juan,  and  200  citizens  in  New  San  German. 
Arecibo  and  Coamo  had  recently  been  founded. 

Scarcely  any  progress  in  the  settlement  of  the 
country  was  made  during  the  remaining  years  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  Toward  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  great  steps  in  this  direction  had 
been  made.  From  Governor  Bravo  de  Rivera’s  list 
of  men  fit  for  militia  service,  we  discover  that  in 
1759  there  were  18  new  settlements  or  towns  in  the 
island  with  a total  of  4,559  men  able  to  carry  arms; 
exclusive  of  San  Juan  and  San  German,  they  were: 


Ponce  with 356  men. 

Aguada  with 564  “ 

Manati  “ 357  “ 

AHasco  “ 460  “ 

Yauco  “ 164  ” 

Coamo  “ 342  “ 

La  Tuna  “ 104  “ 

Arecibo  “ 647  “ 

Utuado  “ 126  “ 


Loiza  with 179  men. 

Toa- Alta  with 128  “ 

Toa-Baja  “ 294  “ 

Piedras  “ 104  “ 

Bayamon  " 256  “ 

Caguas  “ 100  “ 

Guayama  “ 211  “ 

Rio  Piedras  with.. . 46  ‘‘ 

Cangrejos  with 120  “ 


277 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

The  oldest  of  these  settlements  is 

La  Agudda. — The  name  signifies  “ place  at  which 
water  is  taken,”  and  Aguadilla,  which  is  to  the  north 
of  the  former  and  the  head  of  the  province,  is  merely 
the  diminutive  of  Aguada.  The  first  possesses  abun- 
dant springs  of  excellent  water,  one  of  them  distant 
only  five  minutes  from  the  landing-place.  In  Agua- 
dilla a famous  spring  rises  in  the  middle  of  the  town 
and  runs  through  it  in  a permanent  stream. 

In  1511  the  king  directed  his  ofiicers  in  Seville 
to  make  all  ships,  leaving  that  port  for  the  Indies, 
call  at  the  island  of  San  Juan  in  order  to  make  the 
Caribs  believe  that  the  Spanish  population  was  much 
larger  than  it  really  was,  and  thus  prevent  or  dimin- 
ish their  attacks.  The  excellence  of  the  water  which 
the  ships  found  at  Aguada  made  it  convenient  for 
them  to  call,  and  the  Spanish  ships  continued  to  do 
so  long  after  the  need  of  frightening  away  the  Caribs 
had  passed. 

The  first  regular  settlement  was  founded  in  1585 
by  the  Franciscan  monks,  who  named  it  San  Francisco 
de  Asis.  The  Caribs  surprised  the  place  about  the 
year  1590,  destroyed  the  convent,  and  martyrized  five 
of  the  monks,  which  caused  the  temporary  abandon- 
ment of  the  settlement.  It  was  soon  repeopled,  not- 
withstanding the  repeated  attacks  of  Caribs  and 
French  and  English  privateers.  Drake  stopped  there 
to  provide  his  fieet  with  water  in  1595.  Cumberland 
did  the  same  four  years  later.  The  Columbian  insur- 
gents attempted  a landing  in  1819  and  another  in 
1825,  but  were  beaten  off.  Their  valiant  conduct  on 
these  occasions,  and  their  loyalty  in  contributing  a 

278 


Growth  of  Cities 


large  sura  of  money  toward  the  expenses  of  the  war 
in  Africa,  earned  for  their  town,  from  the  Home 
Government,  the  title  of  “ unconquerable  ” (villa  in- 
victa)  in  1860. 

Aguada,  or  rather  the  mouth  of  the  river  Cule- 
brinas,  which  flows  into  the  sea  near  it,  is  the  place 
where  Columbus  landed  in  1493.  The  fourth  cen- 
tenary of  the  event  was  commemorated  in  1893  by 
the  erection,  on  a granite  pedestal,  of  a marble  col- 
umn, 11  meters  high,  crowned  with  a Latin  cross. 
On  the  pedestal  is  the  inscription: 

1493 

19th  of  November 
1893 

Loiza. — Along  the  borders  of  the  river  which 
bears  this  name  there  settled,  about  the  year  1514, 
Pedro  Mexia,  Sancho  Arango,  Francisco  Quindos, 
Pedro  Lopez,  and  some  other  Spaniards,  with  their 
respective  Indian  laborers.  In  one  of  the  raids  of 
the  Indians  from  Vieyques  or  Aye- Aye,  which  were 
so  frequent  at  the  time,  a cacique  named  Cacimar 
met  his  death  at  the  hands  of  Arango.  The  fallen 
chief’s  brother  Yaureibo,  in  revenge,  prepared  a large 
expedition,  and  penetrating  at  night  with  several 
pirogues  full  of  men  by  way  of  the  river  to  within 
a short  distance  of  the  settlement,  fell  upon  it  and 
utterly  destroyed  it,  killing  many  and  carrying  off 
others.  Among  the  killed  were  Mexia  and  his  Indian 
concubine  named  Louisa  or  Ileloise.  Tradition  says 
that  this  woman,  haHng  been  advised  by  some  Indian 
friend  of  the  intended  attack,  tried  to  persuade  her 

279 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

paramour  to  flee.  When  he  refused,  she  scorned  his 
recommendation  to  save  herself  and  remained  with 
him  to  share  his  fate. 

In  the  relation  of  this  episode  by  the  chroniclers, 
figures  also  the  name  of  the  dog  Becerrillo  (small 
calf),  a mastiff  belonging  to  Arango,  who  had  brought 
the  animal  from  the  Espanola,  where  Columbus  had 
introduced  the  breed  on  his  second  voyage.  In  the 
fight  with  the  Indians  Arango  was  overpowered  and 
was  being  carried  off  alive,  when  his  dog,  at  the  call 
of  his  master,  came  bounding  to  the  rescue  and  made 
the  Indians  release  him.  They  sprang  into  the  river 
for  safety,  and  the  gallant  brute  following  them  was 
shot  with  a poisoned  arrow.  ^ 

Arecibo  is  situated  on  the  river  of  that  name.  It 
was  founded  by  Felipe  de  Beaumont  in  1616,  with 
the  appellation  San  Felipe  de  Arecibo. 

Fajardo. — Governor  Bravo  de  Rivero,  with  a 
view  to  found  a settlement  on  the  east  coast,  detached 
a number  of  soldiers  from  their  regiment  and  gave  to 
them  and  some  other  people  a caballeria  ^ of  land 
each,  in  the  district  watered  by  the  river  Fajardo. 
Alexander  O’Reilly,  the  king’s  commissioner,  who 
visited  the  settlement  in  1765,  found  474  people,  and 
wrote:  “.  . . They  have  cleared  little  ground  and 
cultivated  so  little  that  they  are  still  in  the  very 
commencements.  The  only  industry  practised  by  the 
inhabitants  is  illicit  trade  with  the  Danish  islands  of 

^ These  two  episodes  have  given  rise  to  several  fantastic  ver- 
sions by  native  writers. 

^ Ten  by  twenty  “ cuerdas.”  The  cuerda  is  one-tenth  less  than 
an  English  acre. 


280 


Growth  of  Cities 


Saint  Thomas  and  Saint  Cross.  The  people  of  Fajar- 
do are  the  commission  agents  for  the  people  there. 
What  else  could  be  expected  from  indolent  soldiers 
and  vagabonds  without  any  means  of  clearing  forests 
or  building  houses?  If  no  other  measures  are  adopted 
this  settlement  will  remain  many  years  in  the  same 
unhappy  condition  and  be  useful  only  to  foreigners.” 
In  1780  there  were  243  heads  of  families  in  the  dis- 
trict; the  town  proper  had  9 houses  and  a church. 

With  regard  to  the  remaining  settlements  men- 
tioned in  Governor  Bravo  de  Rivero’s  list,  there  are 
no  reliable  data. 

From  1759,  the  year  in  which  a general  distribu- 
tion of  Government  lands  was  practised  and  titles 
were  granted,  to  the  year  1774,  in  which  Governor 
[Miguel  Muesas  reformed  or  redistributed  some  of  the 
urban  districts,  many,  if  not  most  of  the  settlements 
referred  to  Avere  formed  or  received  the  names  they 
bear  at  present. 


281 


CHAPTER  XL 


AURIFEROUS  STREAMS  AND  GOLD  PRODUCED  FROM  1509 
TO  1536 

If  a systematic  exploration  were  practised  to-day, 
by  competent  mineralogists,  of  the  entire  chain  of 
mountains  which  intersects  the  island  from  east  to 
west,  it  is  probable  that  lodes  of  gold-bearing  quartz 
or  conglomerate,  worth  working,  would  be  discov- 
ered. Even  the  alluvium  deposits  along  the  banks 
of  the  rivers  and  their  tributaries,  as  well  as  the 
river  beds,  might,  in  many  instances,  be  found  to 
‘‘  pay.” 

The  early  settlers  compelled  the  Indians  to  work 
for  them.  These  poor  creatures,  armed  with  the 
simplest  tools,  dug  the  earth  from  the  river  banks. 
Their  wives  and  daughters,  standing  up  to  their  knees 
in  the  river,  washed  it  in  wooden  troughs.  When  the 
output  diminished  another  site  was  chosen,  often 
before  the  first  one  was  half  worked  out.  The  In- 
dians’ practical  knowledge  of  the  places  where  gold 
was  likely  to  be  found  was  the  Spanish  gold-seeker’s 
only  guide,  the  Indians’  labor  the  only  labor  em- 
ployed in  the  collection  of  it. 

As  for  the  mountains,  they  have  never  been  prop- 
erly explored.  The  Indians  who  occupied  them  re- 

282 


Auriferous  Streams 


mained  in  a state  of  insurrection  for  years,  and  when 
the  mountain  districts  could  be  safely  visited  at  last, 
the  auri  sacra  fames  had  subsided.  The  governors 
did  not  interest  themselves  in  the  mineral  resources 
of  the  island,  and  the  people  found  it  too  difficult 
to  provide  for  their  daily  wants  to  go  prospecting. 
So  the  surface  gold  in  the  alluvium  deposits  was  all 
that  was  collected  by  the  Spaniards,  and  what  there 
still  may  be  on  the  bed-rocks  of  the  rivers  or  in 
the  lodes  in  the  mountains  from  which  it  has  been 
washed,  awaits  the  advent  of  modern  gold-seekers. 

The  first  samples  of  gold  from  Puerto  Rico  were 
taken  to  the  Espanola  by  Ponce,  who  had  obtained 
them  from  the  river  Manatuabon,  to  which  the 
friendly  cacique  Guaybana  conducted  him  on  his  first 
visit  (1508).  This  river  disembogues  into  the  sea 
on  the  south  coast  near  Cape  Malapascua;  but  it  ap- 
pears that  the  doughty  captain  also  visited  the  north 
coast  and  found  gold  enough  in  the  rivers  Coa  and 
Sibuco  to  justify  him  in  making  his  headquarters  at 
Caparra,  which  is  in  the  neighborhood.  That  gold 
was  found  there  in  considerable  quantities  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  in  August  of  the  same  year  of  Ponce’s 
return  to  the  island  (he  returned  in  February,  1509), 
8,975  pesos  corresponded  to  the  king’s  fifth  of  the 
first  washings.  The  first  smelting  w’as  practised  Oc- 
tober 26,  1510.  The  next  occiarred  May  22,  1511, 
producing  respectively  2,645  and  3,043  gold  pesos  as 
the  king’s  share.  Thus,  in  the  three  first  years  the 
crown  revenues  from  this  source  amounted  to  14,663 
gold  pesos,  and  the  total  output  to  73,315  gold  pesos, 
which,  at  three  dollars  of  our  money  per  peso,  ap- 

283 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

proximately  represented  a total  of  $219,945  ob- 
tained from  the  rivers  in  the  neighborhood  of  Ca- 
parra  alone. 

In  1515  a fresh  discovery  of  gold-bearing  earth 
in  this  locality  was  reported  to  the  king  by  Sancho 
Velasqiiez,  the  treasurer,  who  wrote  on  April  27th: 
“ . . . At  4 leagues’  distance  from  here  rich  gold 
deposits  have  been  found  in  certain  rivers  and 
streams.  Froin  Keyes  (December  4th)  to  March 
15th,  with  very  few  Indians,  25,000  pesos  have  been 
taken  out.  It  is  expected  that  the  output  this  season 
will  be  100,000  pesos.” 

The  streams  in  the  neighborhood  of  San  German, 
on  the  south  coast,  the  only  other  settlement  in  the 
island  at  the  time,  seem  to  have  been  equally  rich. 
The  year  after  its  foundation  by  Miguel  del  Toro  the 
settlers  were  able  to  smelt  and  deliver  6,147  pesos  to 
the  royal  treasurer.  The  next  year  the  king’s  share 
amounted  to  7,508  pesos,  and  Treasurer  Haro  re- 
ported that  the  same  operation  for  the  years  1517  and 
1518  had  produced  $186,000  in  all — that  is,  3,740 
for  the  treasury. 

A good  idea  of  the  island’s  mineral  and  other 
resources  at  this  period  may  be  formed  from  Treas- 
urer Haro’s  extensive  report  to  the  authorities  in 
Madrid,  dated  January  21,  1518. 

. Your  Highness’s  revenues,”  he  says,  “ are: 
one-fifth  of  the  gold  extracted  and  of  the  pearls 
brought  by  those  who  go  (to  the  coast  of  Venezuela) 
to  purchase  them,  the  salt  produce  and  the  duties  on 
imports  and  exports.  Every  one  of  the  three  smeltings 
that  are  practised  here  every  two  years  produces 

284 


Auriferous  Streams 


about  250,000  pesos,  in  San  German  about  186,000 
pesos.  But  the  amounts  fluctuate. 

“ The  product  of  pearls  is  uncertain.  Since  the 
advent  of  the  Jerome  fathers  the  business  has  been 
suspended  until  the  arrival  of  your  Highness.  Two 
caravels  have  gone  now,  but  few  will  go,  because  the 
fathers  say  that  the  trafiic  in  Indians  is  to  cease  and 
the  greatest  profit  is  in  that.  . . . On  your  High- 
ness’s estates  there  are  400  Indians  who  wash  gold, 
work  in  the  fields,  build  houses,  etc.;  . . . they 
produce  from  1,500  to  2,000  pesos  profit  every  gang 
(demora).  ...  I send  in  this  ship,  with  Juan  Vis- 
caino,  8,000  pesos  and  40  marks  of  pearls.  There 
remain  in  my  possession  17,000  pesos  and  70  marks 
of  pearls,  which  shall  be  sent  by  the  next  ship  in 
obedience  to  your  Highness’s  orders,  not  to  send  more 
than  10,000  pesos  at  a time.  The  pearls  that  go  now 
are  worth  that  amount.  Until  the  present  we  sent 
only  5,000  pesos’  worth  of  pearls  at  one  time.” 

The  yearly  output  of  gold  fluctuated,  but  it  con- 
tinued steadily,  as  V elasquez  wrote  to  the  emperor  in 
1521,  when  he  made  a remittance  of  5,000  pesos. 
Six  or  seven  years  later,  the  placers,  for  such  they 
were,  were  becoming  exhausted.  Castellanos,  the 
treasurer,  wrote  in  1518  that  only  429  pesos  had  been 
received  as  the  king’s  share  of  the  last  two  years’ 
smelting.  Some  new  deposit  was  discovered  in  the 
river  Daguao,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  of 
much  importance.  From  the  year  1530  the  reports 
of  the  crown  officers  are  full  of  complaints  of  the 
growing  scarcity  of  gold;  finally,  in  1536,  the  last 
remittance  was  made;  not,  it  may  be  safely  assumed, 

285 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

because  there  was  no  more  gold  in  the  island,  but 
because  those  who  had  labored  and  suffered  in  its  pro- 
duction, had  succumbed  to  the  unaccustomed  hard- 
ships imposed  on  them  and  to  the  cruel  treatment 
received  from  their  sordid  masters. 

Besides  the  river  mentioned,  the  majority  of  those 
which  have  their  sources  in  the  mountains  of  Luquillo 
are  more  or  less  auriferous.  These  are:  the  Rio  Pri- 
eto, the  Fajardo,  the  Espiritu  Santo,  the  Rio  Grande, 
and,  especially,  the  Mameyes.  The  river  Loiza  also 
contains  gold,  but,  judging  from  the  traces  of  dig- 
gings still  here  and  there  visible  along  the  beds  of  the 
Ala  villa,  the  Sibuco,  the  Congo,  the  Rio  E^egro,  and 
Carozal,  in  the  north,  it  would  seem  that  these  rivers 
and  their  affluents  produced  the  coveted  metal  in 
largest  (piantities.  The  Duey,  the  Yaueo,  and  the 
Oromico,  or  Ilormigueros,  on  the  south  coast  are  sup- 
posed to  be  auriferous  also,  but  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  worked. 

The  metal  was  and  is  still  found  in  seed-shaped 
grains,  sometimes  of  the  weight  of  2 or  3 pesos.  Tra- 
dition speaks  of  a nugget  found  in  the  Fajardo  river 
weighing  4 ounces,  and  of  another  found  in  an  afflu- 
ent of  the  Congo  of  1 pound  in  weight. 

Silver. — In  1538  the  crown  officers  in  San  Juan 
wrote  to  the  Home  Government:  “ . . . The  gold  is 
diminishing.  Several  veins  of  lead  ore  have  been  dis- 
covered, from  which  some  silver  has  been  extracted. 
The  search  would  continue  if  the  concession  to  work 
these  veins  were  given  for  ten  years,  with  1.20  or 
1.15  royalty.”  On  March  29th  of  the  following 
vear  the  same  offlcers  reported:  “ . . . Respecting 

286 


Auriferous  Streams 


the  silver  ores  discovered,  we  have  smolten  some, 
but  no  one  here  knows  how  to  do  it.  Veins  of  this  ore 
have  been  discovered  in  many  parts  of  the  island, 
but  nobody  works  them.  We  are  waiting  for  some 
one  to  come  who  knows  how  to  smelt  them.” 

The  following  extract  from  the  memoirs  and  doc' 
uments  left  by  Juan  Bautista  Munoz,  gives  the  value 
in  “ gold  pesos  ” ^ of  the  bullion  and  pearls,  corre- 
sponding to  the  king’s  one-fifth  share  of  the  total 
produce  remitted  to  Spain  from  this  island  from  the 
year  1509  to  1536; 


In  1509,  gold  pesos 

8,975 

In  1521,  gold  pesos 

10,000 

1510, 

2,645 

1522, 

7,979 

1511. 

10,000 

1523-’29,  “ 

40,000 

1512, 

3,043 

1530, 

12,440 

1513, 

27,291 

1531, 

6,500 

1514, 

18,000 

1532, 

9,000 

1515, 

17,000 

1533, 

4,000 

1516, 

11,490 

1534, 

3,500 

1517-’18,  “ 

38,497 

1535, 

1,848 

1519, 

10,000 

1536, 

10,000 

1520,  “ 

25,733 

Total,  i share 

277,941 

The  entire  output  for  this  period  was  1,389,705 
gold  pesos,  or  $4,169,115  Spanish  coin  of  to-day,  as 
the  total  produce  in  gold  and  pearls  of  the  island  of 
San  Juan  de  Puerto  Rico  during  the  first  twenty- 
seven  years  of  its  occupation  by  the  Spaniards. 


’ Washington  Irving  estimates  the  value  of  the  “gold  peso 
of  the  sixteenth  century  at  $3  Spanish  money  of  our  day. 


20 


287 


CHAPTER  XLI 


WEST  INDIAN  HURRICANES  IN  PUERTO  RICO  FROM  1515 
TO  1899 

Whoever  has  witnessed  the  awful  magnificence 
of  what  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  the  West  Indian 
islands  called  ou-ra-cdn,  will  never  forget  the  sense  of 
his  own  utter  nothingness  and  absolute  helplessness. 
With  the  wind  rushing  at  the  rate  of  05  or  more 
miles  an  hour,  amid  the  roar  of  waves  lashed  into 
furious  rolling  mountains  of  water,  the  incessant 
flash  of  lightning,  the  dreadful  roll  of  thunder,  the 
fierce  beating  of  rain,  one  sees  giant  trees  torn 
up  by  the  roots  and  man’s  proud  constructions  of 
stone  and  iron  broken  and  scattered  like  children’s 
toys. 

The  tropical  latitudes  to  the  east  and  north  of  the 
West  Indian  Archipelago  are  the  birthplace  of  these 
phenomena.  According  to  Mr.  Redfield  ^ they  cover 
simultaneously  an  extent  of  surface  from  100  to  500 
miles  in  diameter,  acting  with  diminished  violence 
toward  the  circumference  and  with  increased  energy 
toward  the  center  of  this  space. 

In  the  Weather  Bureau’s  bulletin  cited,  there 


* See  Bulletin  H,  Weather  Bureau,  West  Indian  Hurricanes, 
by  E.  B.  Garriott,  Washington,  1900. 

288 


West  Indian  Hurricanes 


is  a description  of  the  most  remarkable  and  destruc- 
tive among  the  355  hurricanes  that  have  swept  over 
the  West  Indies  from  1492  to  1899.  Not  a single  is- 
land has  escaped  the  tempest’s  ravages.  I have  en- 
deavored in  vain  to  make  an  approximate  computa- 
tion of  the  human  life  and  property  destroyed  by 
these  visitations  of  Providence.  Such  a computation 
is  impossible  when  we  read  of  entire  towns  destroyed 
not  once  but  6,  8,  and  10  times;  of  crops  swept  away 
by  the  tempest’s  fury,  and  the  subsequent  starva- 
tion of  untold  thousands;  of  whole  fleets  of  ships 
swallowed  up  by  the  sea  with  every  soul  on  board, 
and  of  hundreds  of  others  east  on  shore  like  coco 
shards. 

To  give  an  idea  of  the  appalling  disasters  caused 
by  these  too  oft  recurring  phenomena,  the  above- 
mentioned  bulletin  gives  Flammarion’s  description 
of  the  great  hurricane  of  1780.^ 

“ The  most  terrible  cyclone  of  modern  times  is 
probably  that  which  occurred  on  October  10,  1780, 
which  has  been  specially  called  the  great  hurricane, 
and  which  seems  to  have  embodied  all  the  horrible 
scenes  that  attend  a phenomenon  of  this  kind.  Start- 
ing from  Barbados,  where  trees  and  houses  were  all 
blown  down,  it  engulfed  an  English  fleet  anchored 
before  St.  Lucia,  and  then  ravaged  the  whole  of  that 
island,  where  6,000  persons  were  buried  beneath  the 
ruins.  From  thence  it  traveled  to  Martinique,  over- 
took a French  transport  fleet  and  sunk  40  ships  con- 
veying 4,000  soldiers.  The  vessels  disappeared. 


* L’ Atmosphere,  p.  377  and  following. 
289 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Such  is  the  laconic  language  in  which  the  governor 
reported  the  disaster.  Farther  north,  Santo  Domin- 
go, St.  Vincent,  St.  Eustatius,  and  Puerto  Rico  were 
devastated,  and  most  of  the  vessels  that  were  sailing 
in  the  track  of  the  cyclone  were  lost  with  all  on 
board.  Beyond  Puerto  Rico  the  tempest  turned 
northeast  toward  Bermuda,  and  though  its  violence 
gradually  decreased,  it  nevertheless  sunk  several 
English  vessels.  This  hurricane  was  quite  as  destruc- 
tive inland.  Nine  thousand  persons  perished  in  Mar- 
tinique, and  1,000  in  St.  Pierre,  where  not  a single 
house  was  left  standing,  for  the  sea  rose  to  a height 
of  25  feet,  and  150  houses  that  were  built  along  the 
shore  were  engulfed.  At  Port  Royal  the  cathedral, 
7 churches,  and  1,400  houses  were  blown  down; 
1,600  sick  and  wounded  were  buried  beneath  the 
ruins  of  the  hospital.  At  St.  Eustatius,  7 vessels 
were  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  rocks,  and  of  the  19 
which  lifted  their  anchors  and  went  out  to  sea,  only  1 
returned.  At  St.  Lucia  the  strongest  buildings  were 
torn  up  from  their  foundations,  a cannon  was  hurled 
a distance  of  more  than  30  yards,  and  men  as  well 
as  animals  were  lifted  off  their  feet  and  carried  several 
yards.  The  sea  rose  so  high  that  it  destroyed  the 
fort  and  drove  a vessel  against  the  hospital  with  such 
force  as  to  stave  in  the  walls  of  that  building.  Of  the 
600  houses  at  Kingston,  on  the  island  of  St.  Vin- 
cent, 14  alone  remained  intact,  and  the  French 
frigate  Junon  was  lost.  Alarming  consequences 
were  feared  from  the  number  of  dead  bodies  which 
lay  uninterred,  and  the  quantity  of  fish  the  sea  threw 
up,  but  these  alarms  soon  subsided.  . . 

290 


West  Indian  Hurricanes 


“ The  aboriginal  inhabitants,”  says  Abbad,  “ fore- 
saw these  catastrophes  two  or  three  days  in  advance. 
They  were  sure  of  their  approach  when  they  perceived 
a hazy  atmosphere,  the  red  aspect  of  the  sun,  a dull, 
rumbling,  subterranean  sound,  the  stars  shining 
through  a kind  of  mist  which  made  them  look  larger, 
the  nor’west  horizon  heavily  clouded,  a strong-smell- 
ing emanation  from  the  sea,  a heavy  swell  with  calm 
weather,  and  sudden  changes  of  the  wind  from  east 
to  west.”  The  Spanish  settlers  also  learned  to  fore- 
tell the  approach  of  a hurricane  by  the  sulphurous 
exhalations  of  the  earth,  but  especially  by  the  inces- 
sant neighing  of  horses,  bellowing  of  cattle,  and  gen- 
eral restlessness  of  these  animals,  who  seem  to  acquire 
a presentiment  of  the  coming  danger. 

“ The  physical  features  of  hurricanes  are  well 
understood.  The  approach  of  a hurricane  is  usually 
indicated  by  a long  sw'ell  on  the  ocean,  propagated  to 
great  distances,  and  forewarning  the  observer  by  two 
or  three  days.  A faint  rise  in  the  barometer  occurs 
before  the  gradual  fall,  which  becomes  very  pro- 
nounced at  the  center.  Fine  wisps  of  cirrus-clouds 
are  first  seen,  which  surround  the  center  to  a distance 
of  200  miles;  the  air  is  calm  and  sultry,  but  this  is 
gradually  supplanted  by  a gentle  breeze,  and  later 
the  wind  increases  to  a gale,  the  clouds  become 
matted,  the  sea  rough,  rain  falls,  and  the  winds  are 
gusty  and  dangerous  as  the  vortex  comes  on.  Then 
comes  the  indescribable  tempest,  dealing  destruction, 
impressing  the  imagination  with  the  wild  exhibition 
of  the  forces  of  nature,  the  flashes  of  lightning,  the 
torrents  of  rain,  the  cold  air,  all  the  elements  in  an 

291 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 


uproar,  which  indicate  the  close  approach  of  the  cen- 
ter. In  the  midst  of  this  turmoil  there  is  a sudden 
pause,  the  winds  almost  cease,  the  sky  clears,  the 
waves,  however,  rage  in  great  turbulence.  This  is 
the  eye  of  the  storm,  the  core  of  the  vortex,  and  it 
is,  perhaps,  20  miles  in  diameter,  or  one-thirtieth  of 
the  whole  hurricane.  The  respite  is  brief,  and  is  soon 
follow’ed  by  the  abrupt  renewal  of  the  violent  wind 
and  rain,  but  now  coming  from  the  opposite  direction, 
and  the  storm  passes  otf  with  the  several  features 
following  each  other  in  the  reverse  order.”  ^ 

The  distribution  over  the  months  of  the  year 
of  the  355  West  Indian  hurricanes  which  occurred 
during  the  four  hundred  and  six  years  elapsed  since 
the  discovery,  to  the  last  on  the  list,  is  as  follows: 


Months. 


No.  of  hurricanes. 


Months. 


No.  of  hurricanes. 


January 5 

February ' 7 

March 11 

April 6 

IMay 5 

June 10 


July 42 

August 96 

September 80 

October 69 

November 17 

December 7 


355 


Puerto  Rico  has  been  devastated  by  hurricanes 
more  than  20  times  since  its  occupation  by  the  Span- 
iards. But  the  records,  beyond  the  mere  statement 
of  the  facts,  are  very  incomplete.  Four  stand  out 
prominently  as  having  committed  terrible  ravages. 
These  are  the  hurricanes  of  Santa  Ana,  on  July  26, 


’ Enrique  del  Monte,  Havana  University,  On  the  Climate  of 
the  West  Indies  and  West  Indian  Hurricanes. 

292 


West  Indian  Hurricanes 


1825;  Los  Angeles,  on  August  2,  1837;  San  Narciso, 
on  October  29,  1867,  and  San  Ciriaco,  on  August  8, 
1899. 

The  first  mention  of  the  occurrence  of  a hurri- 
cane in  this  island  we  find  in  a letter  from  the  crown 
officers  to  the  king,  dated  August  8,  1515,  wherein 
they  explain : , . . In  these  last  smeltings  there  was 

little  gold,  because  many  Indians  died  in  consequence 
of  sickness  caused  by  the  tempest  as  well  as  from 
want  of  food.  . . .” 

The  next  we  read  of  was  October  8,  1526,  and  is 
thus  described  by  licentiate  Juan  de  Vadillo: 

“ On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  October  last  there 
broke  over  this  island  such  a violent  storm  of  wind 
and  rain,  which  the  natives  call  ‘ ou-ra-cdn,’  that  it 
destroyed  the  greater  part  of  this  city  (San  Juan) 
with  the  church.  In  the  country  it  caused  such  dam- 
age by  the  overflow  of  rivers  that  many  rich  men 
have  been  made  poor.” 

On  September  8,  1530,  Governor  Francisco  Ma- 
nuel de  Lando  reported  to  the  king:  “ During  the  last 
six  weeks  there  have  been  three  storms  of  wind  and 
rain  in  this  island  (July  26,  August  23  and  31). 
They  have  destroyed  all  the  plantations,  drowned 
many  cattle,  and  caused  much  hunger  and  misery  in 
the  land.  In  this  city  the  half  of  the  houses  were 
entirely  destroyed,  and  of  the  other  half  the  least 
injiired  is  without  a roof.  In  the  country  and  in  the 
mines  nothing  has  remained  standing.  Everybody  is 
ruined  and  thinking  of  going  away.” 

1537. — July  and  August.  The  town  officers 
wrote  to  the  king  in  September:  “In  the  last  two 

293 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

months  we  have  had  three  storms  of  wind  and  rain, 
the  greatest  that  have  been  seen  in  this  island,  and  as 
the  plantations  are  along  the  banks  of  the  rivers  the 
floods  have  destroyed  them  all.  Many  slaves  and 
cattle  have  been  drowned,  and  this  has  caused  much 
discouragement  among  the  settlers,  who  before  were 
inclined  to  go  away,  and  are  now  more  so.” 

1575. — September  21  (San  Mateo),  hurricane 
mentioned  in  the  memoirs  of  Father  Torres  Vargas. 

161.^. — September  12,  mentioned  by  the  same 
chronicler  in  the  following  words:  “Fray  Pedro  de 
Solier  came  to  his  bishopric  in  the  year  1615,  the  same 
in  which  a great  tempest  occurred,  after  more  than 
forty  years  since  the  one  called  of  San  Mateo.  This 
one  happened  on  the  12th  of  September.  It  did  so 
much  damage  to  the  cathedral  that  it  was  necessary 
partly  to  cover  it  with  straw  and  write  to  his  Majesty 
asking  for  a donation  to  repair  it.  With  his  accus- 
tomed generosity  he  gave  4,000  ducats.” 

1678. — Abbad  states  that  a certain  Count  or 
Duke  Estren,  an  English  commander,  with  a fleet  of 
22  ships  and  a body  of  landing  troops  appeared  before 
San  Juan  and  demanded  its  surrender,  but  that,  be- 
fore the  English  had  time  to  land,  a violent  hurricane 
occurred  which  stranded  every  one  of  the  British 
ships  on  Bird  Island.  Most  of  the  people  on  board 
perished,  and  the  few  who  saved  their  lives  were 
made  prisoners  of  war. 

17JfO. — Precise  date  unknown.  Monsieur  Mor- 
eau de  Jonnes,  in  his  work,^  says  that  this  hurricane 


* Histoire  physique  des  Antilles  Francaises. 
294 


West  Indian  Hurricanes 


destroyed  a coco-palm  grove  of  5 or  6 leagues  in  ex- 
tent, which  existed  near  Ponce.  Other  writers  con- 
firm this. 

1772,  August  28. — Friar  Inigo  Abbad,  who  was 
in  the  island  at  the  time,  gives  the  following  descrip- 
tion of  this  tempest:  “ About  a quarter  to  eleven  of 
the  night  of  the  28th  of  August  the  storm  began  to 
be  felt  in  the  capital  of  the  island.  A dull  but  con- 
tinuous roll  of  thunder  filled  the  celestial  hemisphere, 
the  sound  as  of  approaching  torrents  of  rain,  the 
frightful  sight  of  incessant  lightning,  and  a slow 
quaking  of  the  earth  accompanied  the  furious  wind. 
The  tearing  up  of  trees,  the  lifting  of  roofs,  smash- 
ing of  windows,  and  leveling  of  everything  added 
terror-striking  noises  to  the  scene.  The  tempest 
raged  with  the  same  fury  in  the  capital  till  after  one 
o’clock  in  the  morning.  In  other  parts  of  the  island 
it  began  about  the  same  hour,  but  without  any  serious 
effect  till  later.  In  Aguada,  where  I was  at  the  time, 
nothing  was  felt  till  half-past  two  in  the  morning.  It 
blew  violently  till  a quarter  to  four,  and  the  wind 
continued,  growing  less  strong,  till  noon.  During 
this  time  the  wind  came  from  all  points  of  the  com- 
pass, and  the  storm  visited  every  part  of  the  island, 
causing  more  damage  in  some  places  than  others, 
according  to  their  degree  of  exposure.” 

1780,  June  13,  and  1788,  August  16. — Ho  de- 
tails of  these  two  hurricanes  are  found  in  any  of  the 
Puerto  Rican  chronicles. 

180Jf,  September  Jf.. — A great  cyclone,  a detailed 
description  of  which  is  given  in  the  work  of  Mr. 
Jonnes. 


295 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

18 IS  and  18 11^. — Both  hurricanes  happened  on 
the  same  date,  that  is,  the  23d  of  July.  Yauco  and 
San  German  suffered  most.  A description  of  the  ef- 
fects of  these  storms  was  given  in  the  Dario  Econo- 
mico  of  the  11th  of  August,  1814. 

1819,  September  21. — (San  Mateo.)  This  cyclone 
is  mentioned  by  Jonnes  and  by  Cordova,  who  says 
that  it  caused  extraordinary  damages  on  the  plan- 
tations. 

1825,  July  26. — (Santa  Ana.)  Cordova  (vol.  ii, 
p.  21  of  his  Memoirs)  says  of  this  hurricane:  “ It 
destroyed  the  towns  of  Patillas,  Maunabo,  Yabucoa, 
Hiimacao,  Gurabo,  and  C^uas.  In  the  north,  east, 
and  center  of  the  island  it  caused  great  damage. 
More  than  three  hundred  people  and  a large  number 
of  cattle  perished;  500  persons  were  badly  wounded. 
The  rivers  rose  to  an  unheard  of  extent,  and  scarcely  a 
house  remained  standing.  In  the  capital  part  of  the 
San  Antonio  bridge  was  blown  down,  and  the  city 
wall  facing  the  Marina  on  Tanca  Creek  was  cracked. 
The  royal  Fortaleza  (the  present  Executive  Mansion) 
suffered  much,  also  the  house  of  Ponce.  The  light- 
ning-conductors of  the  powder-magazine  were  blown 
down.” 

1837,  August  2. — (Los  Angeles.)  This  cyclone 
was  general  over  the  island  and  caused  exceedingly 
grave  losses  of  life  and  property.  All  the  ships  in 
the  harbor  of  San  Juan  were  lost. 

18JfO,  September  16. — ISTo  details. 

1851,  August  18. — Flo  details,  except  that  this 
hurricane  caused  considerable  damage. 

1867,  October  29. — (San  N’arciso.)  FTo  details. 

296 


Casa  Blanca  and  the  sea  wall,  San  Juan. 


West  Indian  Hurricanes 


1871,  August  23. — (San  Felipe.)  No  details. 

1899,  August  8. — (San  Ciriaco.)  When  this  hur- 
ricane occurred  there  was  a meteorological  station 
in  operation  in  San  Juan,  and  we  are  therefore  en- 
abled to  present  the  following  data  from  Mr.  Ged- 
dings’s  report : “ The  rainfall  was  excessive,  as  much 
as  23  inches  falling  at  Adjuntas  during  the  course  of 
twenty-four  hours.  This  caused  severe  inundations  of 
rivers,  and  the  deaths  from  drowning  numbered  2,569 
as  compared  with  800  killed  by  injuries  received  from 
the  effects  of  the  wind.  This  number  does  not  in- 
clude the  thousands  who  have  since  died  from  star- 
vation. The  total  loss  of  property  was  35,889,013 
pesos.” 

The  United  States  Government  and  people 
promptly  came  to  the  assistance  of  the  starving  popu- 
lation, and  something  like  32,000,000  rations  were 
distributed  by  the  army  during  the  ten  months  suc- 
ceeding the  hurricane. 

Such  are  the  calamities  that  are  suspended  over 
the  heads  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  West  Indian  Is- 
lands. From  July  to  October,  at  any  moment,  the 
sapphire  skies  may  turn  black  with  thunder-clouds; 
the  Eden-like  landscapes  turned  into  scenes  of  ruin 
and  desolation;  the  rippling  ocean  that  lovingly  laves 
their  shores  becomes  a roaring  monster  trying  to 
swallow’  them.  The  refreshing  breezes  that  fan 
them  become  a destructive  blast.  Yet,  such  is  the 
fecundity  of  nature  in  these  regions  that  a year 
after  a tempest  has  swept  over  an  island,  if  the 
debris  be  removed,  not  a trace  of  its  passage  is 

297 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

visible — the  fields  are  as  green  as  ever,  the  earth, 
the  trees,  and  plants  that  were  spared  by  the  tem- 
pest double  their  productive  powers  as  if  to  indem- 
nify the  afilicted  inhabitants  for  the  losses  they 
suffered. 


298 


CHAPTER  XLII 


THE  CAEIBS 

The  origin  of  the  Caribs,  their  supposed  canni- 
balism and  other  customs  have  occasioned  much  con- 
troversy among  West  Indian  chroniclers.  The  fii-st 
question  is  undecided,  and  probably  will  remain  so 
forever.  With  regard  to  cannibalism,  in  spite  of  the 
confirmative  assurances  of  the  early  Spanish  chron- 
iclers, we  have  the  testimony  of  eminent  authorities 
to  the  contrary;  and  the  writings  of  Jesuit  mission- 
aries who  have  lived  many  years  among  the  Caribs 
give  us  a not  unfavorable  idea  of  their  character  and 
social  institutions. 

The  first  European  who  became  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  the  people  of  the  West  Indian  Islands, 
on  the  return  from  his  first  voyage,  wrote  to  the  Span- 
ish princes : ‘‘ ...  In  all  these  islands  I did  not 

observe  much  difference  in  the  faces  and  figures  of 
the  inhabitants,  nor  in  their  customs,  nor  in  their 
language,  seeing  that  they  all  understand  each  other, 
which  is  very  singular.’’  On  the  other  hand  the 
readiness  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  Aye-Aye 
and  the  other  Carib  islands  gave  asylum  to  the 
fugitive  Boriquen  Indians  and  joined  them  in  their 
retaliatory  expeditions,  also  points  to  the  existence 

299 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

of  some  bond  of  kinship  between  them,  so  that  there 
is  ground  for  the  opinion  entertained  by  some  wri- 
ters that  all  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  Antilles  were 
of  the  race  designated  under  the  generic  name  of 
Caribs. 

The  theory  generally  accepted  at  first  was,  that 
at  the  time  of  the  discovery  two  races  of  different 
origin  occupied  the  West  Indian  Archipelago.  The 
larger  Antilles  with  the  groups  of  small  islands  to  the 
north  of  them  were  supposed  to  be  inhabited  by  a 
race  named  Guaycures,  driven  from  the  penin- 
sula of  Florida  by  the  warlike  Seminoles;  the  Guay- 
cures, it  is  said,  could  easily  have  reached  the  Baha- 
mas and  traversed  the  short  distance  that  separated 
them  from  Cuba  in  their  canoes,  some  of  which  could 
contain  100  men,  and  once  there  they  would  natu- 
rally spread  over  the  neighboring  islands.  It  is  sur- 
mised that  they  occupied  them  at  the  time  of  the 
advent  of  the  Phoenicians  in  this  hemisphere,  and 
Dr.  Calixto  Romero,  in  an  interesting  article  on 
Lucuo,  the  god  of  the  Boriquens,^  mentions  a tra- 
dition referring  to  the  arrival  of  these  ancient  navi- 
gators, and  traces  some  of  the  Boriquen  religious  cus- 
toms to  them.  The  Guaycures  were  a peacefully  dis- 
posed race,  hospitable,  indolent,  fond  of  dancing  and 
singing,  by  means  of  which  they  transmitted  their 
legends  from  generation  to  generation.  They  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  the  Spaniards.  Velasquez  conquered 
Cuba  without  the  loss  of  a man.  Juan  Esquivel  made 
himself  master  of  Jamaica  with  scarcely  any  sacrifice. 


' Revista  PuertoriqueRa,  Tomo  I,  Afio  I,  1887. 

300 


The  Caribs 


and  if  the  aborigines  of  the  Espahola  and  Boriquen 
resisted,  it  was  only  after  patiently  enduring  insup- 
portable oppression  for  several  years. 

The  other  race  which  inhabited  the  Antilles  were 
said  to  have  come  from  the  south.  They  were  sup- 
posed to  have  descended  the  Orinoco,  spreading  along 
the  shore  of  the  continent  to  the  west  of  the  river’s 
mouths  and  thence  to  have  invaded  one  after  the 
other  all  the  lesser  Antilles.  They  were  in  a fair  way 
of  occupying  the  larger  Antilles  also  when  the  dis- 
coveries of  Columbus  checked  their  career. 

In  support  of  the  theory  of  the  south-continental 
origin  of  the  Caribs  we  have,  in  the  first  place,  the 
work  of  Mr.  Aristides  Rojas  on  Venezuelan  hiero- 
glyphics, wherein  he  treats  of  numerous  Carib  char- 
acters on  the  rocks  along  the  plains  and  rivers  of 
that  republic,  marking  their  itinerary  from  east  to 
west.  He  states  that  the  Achaguas,  the  aboriginals 
of  Columbia,  gave  to  these  wanderers,  on  account  of 
their  ferocity,  the  name  of  Chabi-Habi,  tliat  is,  tiger- 
men  or  descendants  of  tigers. 

In  the  classification  of  native  tribes  in  Codazzi’s 
geography  of  Venezuela,  he  includes  the  Caribs,  and 
describes  them  as  ‘‘  a very  numerous  race,  enterpris- 
ing and  warlike,  which  in  former  times  exercised  great 
influence  over  the  whole  territory  extending  from 
Ecuador  to  the  Antilles.  They  were  the  tallest  and 
most  robust  Indians  known  on  the  continent;  they 
traded  in  slaves,  and  though  they  were  cruel  and 
ferocious  in  their  incursions,  they  were  not  cannibals 
like  their  kinsmen  of  the  lesser  Antilles,  who  were 
so  addicted  to  the  custom  of  eating  their  prisoners 

301 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

that  the  names  of  cannibal  and  Carib  had  become 
synonymous.”  ^ 

Another  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  Caribs  is  that 
advanced  by  M.  d’Orbigny,  who,  after  eight  years 
of  travel  over  the  South  American  continent,  pub- 
lished the  result  of  his  researches  in  Paris  in  1834. 
He  considers  them  to  be  a branch  of  the  great  Gua- 
rani family.  And  the  Jesuit  missionaries.  Fathers 
Raymond  and  Dutertre,  who  lived  many  years  among 
the  Antillean  Caribs,  concluded  from  their  traditions 
that  they  were  descended  from  a people  on  the  con- 
tinent named  Galibis,  who,  according  to  M.  d’Or- 
bigny,  were  a branch  of  the  Guaranis. 

But  the  Guaranis,  though  a very  wide-spread  fam- 
ily of  South  American  aborigines,  were  neither  a con- 
quering nor  a wandering  race.  They  occupied  that 
part  of  the  continent  situated  between  the  rivers  Par- 
aguay and  Parana,  from  where  these  two  rivers  join 
the  river  Plate,  northward,  to  about  latitude  22° 
south.  This  region  was  the  home  of  the  Guaranis,  a 
people  indolent,  sensual,  and  peaceful,  among  whom 
the  Jesuits,  in  the  eighteenth  century  founded  a 
religious  republic,  which  toward  the  end  of  that 
period  counted  33  towns  with  a total  population  of 
over  one  hundred  thousand  souls.  A glance  at  the 
map  will  show  the  improbability  of  any  Indian  tribe, 
no  matter  how  warlike,  making  its  way  from  the  heart 
of  the  continent  to  the  Orinoco  through  30°  of 

‘ The  word  “cannibal”  is  but  a corruption  of  guaribo,  that 
is,  “brave  or  strong,”  changed  into  Caribo,  Cariba,  and  finally 
Carib.  The  name  Galibi,  also  applied  to  the  Caribs,  means  equally 
strong  or  brave. 


302 


The  Caribs 

primitive  forests,  mountains,  and  rivers,  inhabited  by 
hostile  tribes.^ 

The  French  missionaries  who  lived  many  years 
with  the  Caribs  of  Guadeloupe  and  the  other  French 
possessions,  do  not  agree  on  the  subject  of  their  ori- 
gin. Fathers  Dutertre  and  Eaymond  believe  them  to 
be  the  descendants  of  the  Galibis,  a people  inhabit- 
ing Guiana.  Fathers  Rochefort,  Rabat,  and  Bristol 
maintain  that  they  are  descended  from  the  Apalaches 
who  inhabited  the  northern  part  of  Florida.  Hum- 
boldt is  of  the  same  opinion,  and  suggests  that  the 
name  Carib  may  be  derived  from  Calina  or  Caripuna 
through  transformation  of  the  letters  I and  p into  r 
and  h,  forming  Caribi  or  Galibi.^  Pedro  Martyr 
strongly  opposes  this  opinion,  the  principal  objec- 
tion to  which  is  that  a tribe  from  the  Xorth  Amer- 
ican continent  invading  the  West  Indies  by  way  of 
Florida  would  naturally  occupy  the  larger  Antilles 
before  traveling  east  and  southward.  Under  this 
hypothesis,  as  we  have  said,  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Antilles  would  be  Caribs,  but  in  that  case  the 
difference  in  the  character  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 


* The  author  visited  this  region  and  sketched  some  of  the 
ruins  of  these  Jesuit-Guarani  missions,  of  which  scarcely  one 
stone  has  remained  on  the  other.  They  were  destroyed  by  the 
Brazilians  after  the  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  by  Pope 
Clement  XIV  in  1773 ; the  defenseless  Indians  were  cruelly  butch- 
ered or  carried  off  as  slaves.  The  sculptured  remains  of  temples, 
of  gardens  and  orchards  grown  into  jungles  still  attest  the  high 
degree  of  development  attained  by  these  missions  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Jesuit  fathers. 

’ Voyage  aux  Regions  Equinoctiales  du  Nouveau  Continent, 
Paris,  1826. 

21 


303 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

two  divisions  of  the  archipelago  would  have  to  be 
accounted  for. 

Most  of  the  evidence  we  have  been  able  to  collect 
on  this  subject  points  to  a south-continental  origin 
of  the  Caribs.  On  the  maps  of  America,  published 
in  1587  by  Abraham  Ortellus,  of  Antwerp,  in  162G 
by  John  Speed,  of  London,  and  in  1656  by  Sanson 
d’ Abbeville  in  Paris,  the  whole  region  to  the  north  of 
the  Orinoco  is  marked  Caribana.  In  the  history  of 
the  Dutch  occupation  of  Guiana  we  read  that 
hostile  Caribs  occupied  a shelter^  constructed  in  1684 
by  the  governor  on  the  borders  of  the  Barima,  which 
shows  that  the  vast  region  along  the  Orinoco  and  its 
tributaries,  as  well  as  the  lesser  Antilles,  was  inhab- 
ited by  an  ethnologically  identical  race. 

Were  the  Caribs  cannibals?  This  question  has 
been  controverted  as  much  as  that  of  their  origin,  and 
with  the  same  doubtful  result. 

The  only  testimony  upon  which  the  assumption 
that  the  Caribs  were  cannibals  is  founded  is  that  of 
the  companions  of  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage, 
when,  landing  at  Guadeloupe,  they  found  human 
bones  and  skulls  in  the  deserted  huts.  I7o  other  evi- 
dence of  cannibalism  of  a positive  character  was  ever 
after  obtained,  so  that  the  belief  in  it  rests  exclusively 
upon  Chanca’s  narrative  of  what  the  Spaniards  saw 
and  learned  during  the  few  days  of  their  stay  among 
the  islands.  Their  imagination  could  not  but  be 
much  excited  by  the  sight  of  what  the  doctor  de- 


1 “ Kleyn  pleysterhuisye,”  small  plaster  house. 

304 


The  Caribs 


scribes  as  “ infinite  quantities  ” of  bones  of  human 
creatures,  who,  they  took  for  granted,  had  been  de- 
voured, and  of  skulls  hanging  on  the  walls  by  way 
of  receptacles  for  curios.  It  was  the  age  of  univer- 
sal credulity,  and  for  more  than  a century  after  the 
most  absurd  tales  with  regard  to  the  people  and  things 
of  the  mysterious  new  continent  found  ready  credence 
even  among  men  of  science.  Columbus,  in  his  letter 
to  Santangel  (February,  1493),  describing  the  differ- 
ent islands  and  people,  wrote:  “ I have  not  yet  seen 
any  of  the  human  monsters  that  are  supposed  to  exist 
here.”  The  descriptions  of  the  customs  of  the  natives 
of  the  newly  discovered  islands  which  Dr.  Chanca 
sent  to  the  town  council  of  Seville  were  unquestioned 
by  them,  and  afterward  by  the  Spanish  chroniclers; 
but  there  is  reason  to  believe  with  Mr.  Ignacio  Armas, 
an  erudite  Cuban  author,  who  published  a paper  in 
1884  entitled  the  Fable  of  the  Caribs,  that  the  be- 
lief in  their  cannibalism  originated  in  an  error  of 
judgment,  was  an  illusion  afterward,  and  ended  by 
being  a calumny.' 

Father  Bartolome  de  las  Casas  was  the  first  to 


’ As  an  example  of  the  credulity  of  the  people  of  the  period, 
see  Theodore  Bry’s  work  in  the  library  of  Congress  in  Washing- 
ton, in  which  there  is  a map  of  Guiana,  published  in  Frankfort 
in  1599.  On  it  are  depicted  with  short  descriptions  the  lake  of 
Fannie  and  the  city  of  Manao,  which  represent  El  Dorado,  in 
search  of  which  hundreds  of  Spaniards  and  thousands  of  Indians 
lost  their  lives.  There  is  a picture  of  one  of  the  Amazons,  with 
a short  notice  of  their  habits  and  customs,  and  there  is  the  por- 
trait of  one  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  Twai-Panoma,  who 
were  born  without  heads,  but  had  eyes,  nose,  and  mouth  con- 
veniently located  in  their  breast. 

305 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

contradict  this  belief.  “ They  [the  Spaniards]  saw 
skulls,”  he  says,  ‘‘  and  human  bones.  These  must 
have  been  of  chiefs  or  other  persons  whom  they  held 
in  esteem,  because,  to  say  that  they  were  the  remains 
of  people  who  had  been  eaten,  if  the  natives  devoured 
as  many  as  was  supposed,  the  houses  could  not  con- 
tain the  bones,  and  there  is  no  reason  why,  after  eat- 
ing them,  they  should  preserve  the  relics.  All  this 
is  but  guesswork.”  Washington  Irving  agrees  with 
the  reverend  historian,  and  describes  the  general  be- 
lief in  the  cannibalism  of  the  Caribs  to  the  Spaniards’ 
fear  of  them.  Two  eminent  authorities  positively 
deny  it.  Humboldt,  in  his  before-cited  work,  in  the 
chapter  on  Carib  missions,  says;  “ All  the  mission- 
aries of  the  Carony,  of  the  lower  Orinoco,  and  of 
the  plains  of  Cari,  whom  we  have  had  occasion  to 
consult,  have  assured  us  that  the  Caribs  were  per- 
haps the  least  anthropophagous  of  any  tribes  on  the 
new  continent,  . . .”  and  Sir  Kobert  Schomburgk, 
who  was  charged  by  the  Eoyal  Geographical  Society 
with  the  survey  of  Guiana  in  1835,  reported  that 
among  the  Caribs  he  found  peace  and  contentment, 
simple  family  affections,  and  frank  gratitude  for 
kindness  shown. 

The  narratives  of  the  French,  English,  and  Dutch 
conquerors  of  the  Giiianas  and  the  lesser  Antilles 
accord  with  the  observations  of  Humboldt  in  describ- 
ing the  Caribs  as  an  ambitious  and  intelligent  race, 
among  whom  there  still  existed  traces  of  a superior 
social  organization,  such  as  the  hereditary  power  of 
chiefs,  respect  for  the  priestly  caste,  and  attachment 

306 


The  Caribs 


to  ancient  customs.  Employed  only  in  fishing  and 
hunting,  the  Carib  was  accustomed  to  the  use  of  arms 
fi'om  childhood;  war  was  the  principal  object  of  his 
existence,  and  the  proofs  through  which  the  young 
warrior  had  to  pass  before  being  admitted  to  the 
ranks  of  the  braves,  remind  us  of  the  customs  of 
certain  J^^orth  American  Indians. 

They  were  of  a light  yellow  color  with  a sooty 
tint,  small,  black  eyes,  white  and  well-formed  teeth, 
straight,  shining,  black  hair,  without  a beard  or  hair 
on  any  other  part  of  their  bodies.  The  expression 
of  their  face  was  sad,  like  that  of  all  savage  tribes  in 
tropical  regions.  They  were  of  middle  size,  but 
strong  and  vigorous.  To  protect  their  bodies  from 
the  stings  of  insects  they  anointed  them  with  the 
juice  or  oil  of  certain  plants.  They  were  polygamous. 
From  their  women  they  exacted  the  most  absolute 
submission.  The  females  did  all  the  domestic  labor, 
and  were  not  permitted  to  eat  in  the  presence  of 
the  men.  In  case  of  infidelity  the  husband  had  the 
right  to  kill  his  wife.  Each  family  formed  a vil- 
lage by  itself  (carbet)  where  the  oldest  member 
ruled. 

Their  industry,  besides  the  manufacture  of  their 
arms  and  canoes,  was  limited  to  the  spinning  and 
dyeing  of  cotton  goods,  notably  their  hammocks,  and 
the  making  of  pottery  for  domestic  uses.  Though 
possessing  no  temples,  nor  religious  observances,  they 
recognized  two  principles  or  spirits,  the  spirit  of  good 
(boyee)  and  the  spirit  of  e^dl  (maboya).  The  priests 
invoked  the  first  or  drove  out  the  second  as  occasion 
required.  Each  individual  had  his  good  spirit. 

307 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

Their  language  resembled  in  sound  the  Italian, 
the  words  being  sonorous,  terminating  in  vowels.  By 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  missionaries 
had  made  vocabularies  of  50  Carib  dialects,  and  the 
Bible  had  been  translated  into  one  of  them,  the  Ara- 
wak.  A remarkable  custom  was  the  use  of  two  dis- 
tinct languages,  one  by  the  males,  another  by  the 
females.  Tradition  says  that  when  the  Caribs  first 
invaded  the  Antilles  they  put  to  death  all  the  males 
but  spared  the  females.  The  women  continued  speak- 
ing their  own  tongue  and  taught  it  to  their  daugh- 
ters, hut  the  sons  learned  their  fathers’  language. 
In  time,  both  males  and  females  learned  both  lan- 
guages. 

“ It  is  true,”  says  the  Jesuit  Father  Rochefort, 
in  his  Histoire  des  Antilles,  “ that  the  Caribs  have  de- 
generated from  the  virtues  of  their  ancestors,  but  it 
is  also  true  that  the  Europeans,  by  their  pernicious 
examples,  their  ill-treatment  of  them,  their  villainous 
deceit,  their  dastardly  breaking  of  every  promise, 
their  pitiless  plundering  and  burning  of  their  villages, 
their  beastly  violation  of  their  girls  and  women,  have 
taught  them,  to  the  eternal  infamy  of  the  name  of 
Christian,  to  lie,  to  betray,  to  be  licentious,  and  other 
\dces  which  they  knew  not  before  they  came  in  con- 
tact with  us.” 

Father  Dutertre  declares  that  at  the  time  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Europeans  the  Caribs  were  contented, 
happy,  and  sociable.  Physically  they  were  the  best 
made  and  healthiest  people  of  America.  Theft  was 
unknown  to  them,  nothing  was  hidden;  their  huts  had 
neither  doors  nor  windows,  and  when,  after  the  advent 

308 


The  Caribs 


of  the  French,  a Carib  missed  anything  in  his  hut, 
he  used  to  say:  “ A Christian  has  been  here!  ” Du- 
tertre  says  that  in  thirty-five  years  all  the  French  mis- 
sionaries together,  by  taking  the  greatest  pains,  had 
not  been  able  to  convert  20  adults.  Those  who  were 
thought  to  have  embraced  Christianity  returned  to 
their  practises  as  soon  as  they  rejoined  their  fellows. 
“ The  reason  for  this  want  of  success,”  says  the 
father,  “ is  the  bad  impression  produced  on  the  minds 
of  these  intelligent  natives  by  the  cruelties  and  im- 
moralities of  the  Christians,  which  are  more  bar- 
barous than  those  of  the  islanders  themselves.  They 
have  inspired  the  Caribs  with  such  a horror  of  Chris- 
tianity that  the  greatest  reproach  they  can  think  of 
for  an  enemy  is  to  call  him  a Christian.” 

The  reason  the  Spaniards  never  attempted  the 
conquest  of  the  Caribs  is  clear.  There  was  no  gold 
in  their  islands.  They  defended  their  homes  foot  by 
foot,  and  if,  by  chance,  they  were  taken  prisoners, 
they  preferred  suicide  to  slavery.  Toward  the  end  of 
the  eighteenth  century  there  still  existed  a few  hun- 
dred of  the  race  in  the  island  of  St.  Vincent.  They 
were  known  as  the  black  Caribs,  because  they  were 
largely  mixed  with  fugitive  negro  slaves  from  other 
islands  and  with  the  people  of  a slave-ship  wrecked 
on  their  coast  in  1685.  They  lived  there  tranquil 
and  isolated  till  1795,  when  the  island  was  settled  by 
French  colonists,  and  they  were  finally  absorbed  by 
them.  They  were  the  last  representatives  in  the 
Antilles  of  a race  which,  during  five  centuries,  had 
ruled  both  on  land  and  sea.  On  the  continent,  along 
the  Esequibo  and  its  affluents,  they  are  numerous 

309 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

still;  but  in  their  contact  with  the  European  settlers 
in  those  regions  they  have  lo.st  the  strength  and  the 
virtues  of  their  former  state  without  acquiring  those 
of  the  higher  civilization.  Like  all  aboriginals  under 
similar  conditions,  they  are  slowly  disappearing. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


The  history  of  Puerto  Rico  has  long  since  been  a subject 
of  study  and  research  by  native  writers  and  others,  to  whose 
works  we  owe  many  of  the  data  contained  in  this  book.  Their 
names,  in  alphabetical  order,  are : 

Abbad,  Fray  Irigo. — Historia  geografica,  civil  y natural  de 
San  Juan  Bautista  de  Puerto  Rico.  Madrid,  1788. 

Acosta,  D.  Josfi  Julian. — New  edition  of  Abbad ’s  history, 
with  notes  and  commentaries.  Puerto  Rico,  1866. 

Brau,  D.  Salvador. — Puerto  Rico  y su  historia.  (Critical  in- 
vestigations.) Valencia,  1894. 

Ced6,  D.  Santiago. — Compendio  de  geografia  para  instruc- 
cion  de  la  juventud  portoriquefla.  Mayaguez,  1855. 
CoELLO,  D.  Francisco. — Mapa  de  la  isla  de  Puerto  Rico,  ilus- 
trado  con  notas  histdricas  y estadisticas  escritas  por  Don 
Pascual  Madoz.  Madrid,  1851. 

Coll  y Toste,  D.  Cayetano. — Col6n  en  Puerto  Rico.  (Dis- 
quisiciones  historico-filologicas.)  Puerto  Rico,  1894.  Re- 
pertorio  historico  de  Puerto  Rico.  A monthly  publication. 
C6rdova,  D.  Pedro  Tomas. — Memorias  geograficas,  historicas, 
econdmicas  y estadisticas  de  la  isla  de  Puerto  Rico.  Puerto 
Rico,  1830.  Mcmoria  sobre  todos  los  ramos  de  la  adminis- 
tracidn  de  la  isla  de  Puerto  Rico.  Madrid,  1838. 

CoRTdN,  D.  Antonio. — La  sepnracidn  de  mandos  en  Puerto 
Rico.  Discurso  escrito  y comenzado  a leer  ante  la  Comisidn 
del  Congreso  de  los  Diputados.  Habana,  1890. 

Flenter,  Colonel. — An  Account  of  the  Present  State  of  the 
Island  of  Puerto  Rico.  London,  1834. 

311 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 

JiMENO  Agius,  J. — Puerto  Rico.  Madrid,  1890. 

Ledrd,  Ajidrje  Pierre. — Voyage  aux  iles  T6n6riffe,  la  Trinity, 
St.  Thomas,  Ste.  Croix  et  Porto  Rico,  avec  des  notes  et  des 
additions  par  Sonnini.  Paris,  1810.  (A  work  full  of  fan- 
tastic and  imaginary  data,  without  any  historical  value.) 
Melendez  y Brdna,  D.  Salvador. — Puerto  Rico.  Represen- 
tation of  the  Governor  of  the  Island  to  the  King.  Cadiz, 
1811. 

Nazario,  D.  Josk  MarIa. — Guayanilla  y la  historia  de  Puerto 
Rico.  Ponce,  1893. 

Perez  Moris,  D.  Josk,  y Cueto,  D.  Luis. — Historia  de  la 
insurreccion  de  Lares. 

Sama,  D.  Manuel  jMarIa. — El  desembarco  de  Colon  en  Puerto 
Rico  y el  Monumento  de  Culebrinas.  Mayaguez,  1895. 
Stahl,  D.  Agustln. — Los  Indios  Borinqueflos.  Puerto  Rico, 
1887. 

Tapia,  D.  Alejandro. — Biblioteca  histdrica  de  Puerto  Rico. 
Puerto  Rico,  1854. 

Torres,  D.  Luis  Llorens. — America.  Estudios  histdricos  y 
filoldgicos.  Madrid  y Barcelona,  1897. 

Ubeda  y Delgado,  D.  Manuel.  — Isla  de  Puerto  Rico,  Estudio 
histdrico-geografico.  Puerto  Rico,  1878. 

VizcARRONDO,  D.  JuLio. — Elementos  de  historia  y geografia 
de  la  isla  de  Puerto  Rico.  Puerto  Rico,  1863. 

There  are  other  writings  on  subjects  connected  with  the 
island’s  history  by  native  authors,  some  published  in  book  or 
pamphlet  form,  others,  like  those  of  Zeno  Gandia,  Neumann, 
Dr.  Dominguez,  and  Navarrete,  have  appeared  in  the  columns 
of  periodicals  at  different  times  before  the  American  occupa- 
tion of  the  island. 


312 


INDEX 


Abljad,  Friar  Inigo,  his  history  of 
Puerto  Rico,  17 ; cited,  37,  72 ; on 
state  of  agriculture  in  1776,  223. 

Abercrombie,  Sir  Ralph,  attacks  San 
Juan,  139. 

Aborigines,  see  Indians. 

Agriculture,  inhabitants  of  Puerto 
Rico  forced  to  turn  to,  100,  220 ; 
condition  of,  in  1776,  223. 

Aguada,  its  history,  278. 

Albemarle,  Earl  of,  captures  Ha- 
vana, 138. 

Alexander  VI,  Pope,  divides  the 
world  between  Spain  and  Portu- 
gal, 6. 

American  army,  landing  of,  182; 
recognized  as  liberators,  182 ; also 
see  preface  v. 

Americans,  interest  of,  in  the  insur- 
rection of  Lares,  1868,  169. 

Antigua,  discovery  of,  14. 

Arecibo,  town  of,  280. 

Armada,  effects  of  destruction  of, 
129. 

Autonomy  granted  to  Puerto  Rico, 
182. 

Bastidas,  Bishop  Rodrigo,  charged 
with  liberating  Indian  slaves  in 
Puerto  Rico,  89. 

Beet-sugar,  its  injurious  competi- 
tion with  cane-sugar,  228. 


Bernini  (Florida),  island  of.  King 
Ferdinand  wants  Ponce  to  ex- 
plore it,  59 ; Indian  reports  of,  60 ; 
discovery  of,  61. 

Blake,  English  admiral,  captures 
Spanish  galleons,  136. 

Blasquez,  Juan,  judge-auditor  of 
Puerto  Rico,  102. 

Boabdil,  last  of  the  Moorish  kings,  3. 

Boriqu4n,  first  known  name  of 
Puerto  Rico,  17, 18 ; seat  of  Guay- 
bana,  19;  Boriquenos  restless,  77  ; 
revolt  in,  79 ; last  of  the  Bori- 
qudn  Indians,  90 ; the  republic 
of,  proclaimed,  170;  falls,  172; 
native  inhabitants  of,  192. 

Bowdoin,  Hendrick,  commands 
Dutch  fleet  in  attack  on  San 
Juan,  126. 

Brau,  his  history  of  Puerto  Rico 
quoted,  .37. 

Bruckman,  an  American,  takes  ac- 
tive part  in  insurrection,  169 ; 
shot,  172. 

Buccaneers,  their  origin,  130. 

Cacao,  222. 

Cannibals,  supposed  to  be  found 
among  the  Caribs,  304. 

Caparra,  first  settlement  of  Span- 
iards in  Puerto  Rico,  24 ; capi- 
tal transferred  from,  to  San 


313 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 


Juan,  71 ; the  old  capital,  271, 
273. 

Capital,  transferred  from  Caparra 
to  San  Juan,  71. 

Caribs,  supposed  by  Columbus  to 
be  on  Guadeloupe,  13 ; annoy 
Spaniards  in  Puerto  Rico,  74; 
assist  the  Boriquen  Indians,  78; 
raids  in  Puerto  Rico,  81 ; in  Do- 
minica punished  by  the  Span- 
iards, 84;  in  the  Windward 
Island.s,  132 ; their  e.\termination 
of  aborigines  of  the  West  Indies, 
191;  origin  of,  299;  characteris- 
tics, 300;  were  they  cannibals? 
304 ; disappearing,  310. 

Castellano  y Villaroya,  Spanish 
Colonial  Minister,  intercedes  in 
behalf  of  Puerto  Rico,  180. 

Castellanos,  Juan,  brings  75  colo- 
nists to  Puerto  Rico,  100 ; attorney 
for  Puerto  Rico  at  the  court  of 
Spain,  100. 

Castellanos,  Juan  de,  treasurer  of 
Puerto  Rico,  97. 

Castro,  Baltazar,  reports  depreda- 
tions of  Caribs,  81. 

Ceron,  Juan,  Governor  of  Puerto 
Rico,  21 ; arrested  by  Juan  Ponce, 
22 ; restored  to  office,  23 ; returns 
to  Puerto  Rico  as  governor,  48, 58. 

Cervantes  de  Loayza,  governor,  105. 

Charles  V,  King  of  Spain,  94 : quar- 
rels with  Francis  I of  France,  95 ; 
orders  the  fortification  of  San  Ger- 
man, 97. 

Cholera,  epidemic  of,  218. 

Church,  in  general,  254. 

Cities,  growth  of,  271. 

Clergy,  2.54 ; the  island  made  a 
diocese,  257 ; Alonzo  Manso,  first 
prelate,  257 ; decree  of  Isabel  II 
affecting  clergy,  260. 


Coco-palm  introduced,  222. 

Coffee,  222. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  returns 
from  hie  first  voyage,  3 ; received 
by  the  court  at  Barcelona,  4; 
second  expedition  organized,  5 ; 
his  second  expedition  sails  from 
Cadiz,  6 ; discovers  the  Windward 
Islands,  7 ; introduces  system  of 
enslaving  the  Indians  by  “ dis- 
tribution” of  them  among  set- 
tlers, 27. 

Columbus,  Diego,  with  Christopher 
Columbus’s  second  expedition,  8 ; 
viceroy  and  admiral,  in  la  Espa- 
nola,  21 ; deposes  Ponce,  21 ; au- 
thority of,  suspended,  69 ; de- 
prived of  the  power  of  appointing 
Governor  of  Puerto  Rico,  102. 

Commerce,  its  development,  225, 
231 : imports  and  exports,  235. 

Cortez,  his  conquest  of  Mexico,  75. 

Cromwell,  his  alliance  with  France 
against  Spain,  136. 

Cuba,  influence  of  Cuban  revolu- 
tion on  Puerto  Rico,  180 ; reforms 
in,  suggested  by  Sagasta,  181. 

De  la  Gama,  Antonio,  charged  with 
executing  the  royal  decree  against 
the  “ distribution  ” of  Indians,  87. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  de  Pisa,  with  Colum- 
bus’s second  expedition,  7. 

Diego,  Rafael,  organizer  of  the  rev- 
olution of  1812, 153. 

Distribution  of  Indians  among  the 
Spanish  conquerors  as  slaves,  27 ; 
system  introduced  by  Columbus, 
27. 

Dominica,  discovery  of,  10 ; Caribs 
in,  aid  Puerto  Rico  Indians  against 
the  Spaniards,  79;  Spanish  expe- 
dition against  Caribs  in,  84. 


314 


Index 


Dominicans,  order  of,  254. 

Drake,  Francis,  his  expeditions  in 
the  Caribbean,  112. 

Education,  239 ; illiteracy  and  gen- 
eral ignorance,  240;  in  hands  of 
clergy,  241 ; new  interest  in,  242  ; 
first  college,  243  ; schools,  245. 

Elective  system,  103. 

England  contracts  to  take  slaves 
into  the  Spanish-American  col- 
onies, 209. 

English, ship  visits  Puerto  Rico  and 
alarms  inhabitants,  108;  war  with, 
fleet  sent  against  Spaniards  in 
West  Indies,  114;  fleet  anchors 
oif  “ Caleta  del  Cabron,”  and  is 
fired  on  by  Spaniards,  117 ; aban- 
dons the  attack,  118 ; alliance 
with  France  against  Spain,  136  ; 
capture  Havana,  138 ; attack  San 
Juan,  139. 

Espafiola  (Santo  Domingo),  15,  18. 

Fajardo,  town  of,  280. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  his  inter- 
est in  Puerto  Rico,  56. 

Fetichism  in  the  religion  of  the 
peasantry,  199. 

Filibusters,  origin  of,  131. 

Finance,  231. 

Florida,  discovery  of,  61 ; Ponce’s 
last  expedition  to,  75. 

Francis  I,  King  of  France,  quarrel 
with  Charles  V of  Spain,  95. 

Franciscans,  order  of,  254,  256. 

French,  send  privateers  to  attack 
the  Antilles,  94 ; capture  San  Ger- 
man twice  and  destroy  it,  96,  98 ; 
attack  Guayama,  110;  fail  in  an 
attack  on  Puerto  Rico,  134;  alli- 
ance with  English  against  Spain, 
136;  pirates  in  the  Caribbean,  132. 

315 


Fuente,  Alonzo  la,  his  letters  to  the 
Spanish  Government,  103, 106. 

Ginger,  221. 

Gold,  in  Puerto  Rico,  20 ; early 
search  for,  282;  first  discovery, 
283;  gold-bearing  streams,  284; 
production  of  gold,  287. 

Government  of  Puerto  Rico,  in- 
structions by  the  King  of  Spain, 
48. 

Guadeloupe,  discovery  of,  11,  13; 
Caribs  in,  aid  Puerto  Rico  In- 
dians against  the  Spaniards,  78. 

Guaybana,  cacique  in  Puerto  Rico, 
19 ; death  of,  24. 

Guaybana  second,  heads  revolt 
against  the  Spaniards,  33 ; mas- 
sacres Spaniards,  34 ; is  defeated, 
37 ; killed,  40. 

Haro,  Juan  de,  governor,  defends 
San  Juan  against  the  Dutch,  124. 

Havana,  captured  by  the  English 
under  the  Earl  of  Albemarle  and 
Admiral  Pocock,  138. 

Hawkyns,  John,  his  freebooting 
voyages  among  the  Antilles,  112; 
his  fleet  captured,  112 ; killed,  117. 

Holland,  Spain’s  war  with,  123; 
sends  fleet  against  Puerto  Rico, 
124 ; it  is  defeated,  127. 

Hurricanes  in  the  West  Indies,  288; 
in  Puerto  Rico,  289. 

Indians,  system  of  “distribution” 
of,  introduced,  27  ; in  revolt,  32 ; 
slaughter  Spaniards,  34 ; defeated 
by  Ponce,  37 ; number  of,  in 
Puerto  Rico,  42;  “distribution” 
of,  44 ; rapid  decrease  of,  46 ; con- 
dition of,  63, 86 ; efl'orts  to  prevent 
extinction  of,  86;  “distribution” 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 


of,  among  settlers  forbidden,  87  ; 
the  last  80  survivors  liberated 
from  slavery,  89 ; last  report  of 
the  Boriquen  Indians,  90. 

Inquisition,  the,  in  Puerto  Kico, 
262;  N icolas  Kamos,  the  last  In- 
quisitor, 263  ; abolition  of  the  In- 
quisition, 264;  reestablished,  270. 

Isabel  11,  her  decree  declaring 
property  of  the  secular  clergy 
national  property,  260. 

Jews,  property  of,  confiscated  to 
supply  funds  for  Columbus’s  sec- 
ond expedition,  6. 

Jibaro,  the  Puerto  Kican  peasant, 
195;  customs  of,  196. 

Lando,  Governor  of  Puerto  Kico, 
tries  to  prevent  persons  leaving 
the  island,  90. 

Lares,  the  insurrection  of,  169. 

Las  Casas,  Bartolomd  de,  his  “ Re- 
lations of  the  Indies  ” cited,  42 ; 
seeks  to  prevent  extinction  of  In-  I 
dians,  86 ; favors  introduction  of 
negro  slaves,  92. 

Laws,  reform,  promised,  179;  elec- 
toral, 181. 

Leeward  Islands,  discovery  of,  9. 

Le  Grand,  Pierre,  the  French  pirate, 
182. 

Libraries,  246  et  seq. ; since  Amer- 
ican occupation,  251. 

Loiza,  settlement  of,  279. 

I’Olonais,  sobriquet  of  Sables 
d’Olone,  q.  v.,  131. 

Macias,  Manuel,  governor-general, 
declares  the  island  in  a state  of 
war,  182. 

Manso,  Alonzo,  first  bishop  of 
Puerto  Rico,  257. 


Marie-Galante,  discovery  of,  10. 

Mayor,  Soto,  forms  a settlement  at 
Guanica,  25;  killed  by  Indians, 
34. 

McCormick,  James,  his  report  on 
Puerto  Rico  in  1880,  178. 

Mestizos,  or  mixed  races,  201. 

Military  service,  number  of  men  in 
Puerto  Rico  able  to  carry  arms, 
277. 

Mixed  races,  201 ; prejudice  against, 
! 203. 

I Montbras,  French  pirate,  132. 

I Morals  in  the  island  under  Spanish 
i rule,  205. 

Morgan,  Sir  Henry,  the  pirate,  131. 

I Mulattoes  In  the  Spanish  colony, 

I 202. 

I Napoleon,  his  influence  over  Spain, 
I 150. 

Natives,  see  Indians. 

Negroes,  introduced  into  Santo  Do- 
mingo as  slaves,  92 ; into  Puerto 
Rico,  92;  as  slaves  in  Puerto 
Rico,  206  ; introduced  to  save  the 
Indians  from  extermination,  207 ; 
intermix  with  Indians,  202 ; num- 
ber of,  in  the  island,  212;  severe 
laws  against,  212. 

Newspapers,  253. 

O’Daly,  General,  leads  successful 
revolution  in  Puerto  Rico,  153. 

Palm,  coco-,  introduced,  222. 

Papers,  see  Newspapers. 

Peasants  of  Puerto  Rico,  195. 

Peru,  gold  discoveries  there  serve 
to  attract  many  settlers  from 
Puerto  Rico,  90. 

Philip  I,  his  character,  94. 

Philip  II,  death  of,  121. 


316 


Index 


Pirates,  see  Buccaneers  and  Fili- 
busters. 

Pocock,  English  admiral,  and  the 
Earl  of  Albemarle,  capture  Ha- 
vana, 138. 

Political  rights,  154. 

Ponce,  Juan,  de  Leon,  with  Colum- 
bus's second  expedition,  8 ; lands 
on  Puerto  liico,  19;  appointed 
governor,  21;  deposed,  21;  re- 
stored, 22 ; arrests  Ceron,  22 ; re- 
called by  the  King  of  Spain,  23; 
defeats  Guaybana  with  5,000  to 
6,000  Indians,  37,  40 ; deprived  of 
his  privileges,  58 ; retires  to  Ca- 
parra,  60 ; prepares  for  exploring 
the  island  of  Bernini,  60  ; discov- 
ers Florida,  61 ; honored  by  the 
king,  61 ; ordered  to  destroy  the 
Caribs,  62 ; accused  of  foment'mg 
discord  in  Puerto  Kico,  68;  last 
expedition  to  Florida,  wounded, 
dies,  75;  monument  to  him  in  San 
Juan,  76. 

Population,  growtli  of,  214. 

Portugal,  Alexander  VI  divides 
world  between  Portugal  and 
Spain,  6. 

Press,  the,  252 ; first  printing-press, 
252. 

Prim,  John,  Count  of  Kerns,  his 
severe  proclamation  against  the 
negroes,  212. 

Primitive  inhabitants,  191. 

Products,  187,  220. 

Puerto  Rico,  discovery  of,  15;  first 
settlement,  at  Caparra,  24 ; made 
a bishopric,  56 ; name  of  Puerto 
Kico  first  used  October,  1514,  62; 
divided  into  two  departmenb*,  66' 
capital  transferred  from  Caparra 
to  present  location,  San  Juan,  71 ; 
disease  and  pe.stilence,  72 ; de- 


structive storms,  73 ; news  of  gold 
discoveries  in  Peru, causes  many 
settlers  to  leave,  90;  inhabitants 
try  to  leave  the  island  for  the 
Peru  gold  fields,  91 ; devastated 
by  French  and  Indians,  99;  the 
inhabitants  turn  to  agriculture, 
100;  expedition  sent  against  the 
French  in  Santa  Cruz,  133;  Eng- 
lish fleet,  under  the  Earl  of  Estren, 
appears  olf  San  Juan,  137 ; used 
as  a “ presidio,”  or  place  of  ban- 
ishment for  political  prisoners  for 
three  centuries,  146 ; condition  of, 
in  1765,  described  by  Alexander 
O’Keilly,  147  ; revolution  headed 
by  Rafael  Diego  and  General 
O’Daly,  153;  divided  into  seven 
judicial  districbs,  154;  political 
rights  in  the  island,  154;  eflbrts 
of  Spain  to  promote  development 
of  the  island,  155 ; state  of  society, 
159 ; efi'ects  of  Carlist  troubles  in 
Spain,  162;  resources  of,  duuin- 
ished,  178 ; description  of  the 
island  in  1880,  178 ; reform  laws 
to  relieve  financial  distress,  179 ; 
promise  of  reforms,  180 ; the  new 
electoral  law,  181 ; conditions  in 
the  island  immediately  before  the 
American  occupation,  181 ; be- 
comes part  of  the  United  States, 
182;  its  advantageous  situation, 
185;  soil  and  products,  187 ; har- 
bors, 188;  climate,  189;  primitive 
inhabitants,  191 ; present  inhab- 
itants, 203 ; era  of  greatest  pros- 
perity under  Spanish  rule,  227. 

Races  in  Puerto  Rico,  201. 

Ramirez,  Francisco,  President  of  the 
“ Republic  of  Boriquen,”  170. 

Reforms,  promise  of,  by  Spanish 


0 -1  ^ 

01  1 


The  History  of  Puerto  Rico 


Government,  179 ; granted  too 
late,  181. 

Religion  of  the  peasantry,  199. 

Republic  of  Boriquen  proclaimed, 
170. 

Revolution,  against  Spanish  oppres- 
sion, 153. 

Rodney,  English  admiral,  attacks 
French  West  Indies,  138. 

Sables  d’Olone,  French  pirate,  131 

Sagasta,  suggests  reforms  in  Puerto 
Rico  and  Cuba,  181. 

Sail,  186. 

Salazar,  Diego  de,  heroic  conduct 
of,  32 ; defeats  Indians,  39. 

Sau  German  founded,  274. 

San  Juan,  only  settlement  in  Puerto 
Rico  not  destroyed  by  the  French, 
98;  the  fort,  “Fortaleza,”  still 
used  as  governor’s  residence, 
built  in  1540,  109 ; fortification 
and  improvement  of,  110;  at- 
tacked by  English  fleet,  under 
Drake,  116;  captured  by  English, 
120 ; evacuated  by  tlie  English, 
121 ; attacked  by  English,  139 ; 
history  of,  275;  replaces  Caparra 
as  the  capital,  276. 

San  Juan  Bautista,  island  of  (Puerto 
Rico),  15. 

Santa  Cruz  taken  and  held  by  the 
French,  133. 

Santo  Domingo,  discovery  of,  15, 17. 

Schools,  number  and  attendance  of, 
in  1889,  245. 

Sedeno,  Contador  of  Puerto  Rico, 
100;  his  peculations  and  death, 
101. 

Slavery,  Indians  placed  in,  through 
the  system  of  “distribution.”  27. 

Slavery,  negro,  introduced  into  San- 
to Domingo,  92;  favored  by 


Church  and  State,  92 ; first  negro 
slaves  in  Puerto  Rico,  92 ; discus- 
sion of  its  abolition,  168;  aboli- 
tion of,  1869, 175, 177  ; its  history 
in  the  island,  206 ; introduced  to 
replace  lost  labor  of  the  Indians, 
207 ; England  contracts  to  take 
140,000  slaves  into  the  Spanish- 
American  colonies  in  thirty  years, 
209 ; slaves  emancipated,  211. 

Spain,  Alexander  VI  divides  the 
world  between  Spain  and  Portu- 
gal, 6 ; etiects  of  her  disastrous 
wars,  129 ; sends  fleet  against  pi- 
rates in  the  W est  Indies,  133 ; 
abolishes  the  slave-trade,  1820, 
211. 

Spaniards,  number  of,  in  Puerto 
Rico,  64  ; as  colonists  in  Puerto 
Rico,  201 ; no  women  among  early 
settlers,  201. 

Storms,  damages  by,  288  et  seq. 

Sugar,  220 ; the  industry  injured  by 
production  of  beet-sugar,  228. 

Tiedra,  Vasco  de.  Governor  of 
Puerto  Rico,  102. 

Tobacco,  its  cultivation  permitted 
by  a special  law,  222. 

Trade,  its  growth,  231. 

United  States  sends  army  to  Puerto 
Rico,  182 ; acquires  the  island,  182. 

Weyler,  General,  his  inhuman  pro- 
ceedings in  Cuba,  179. 

Windward  Islands,  discovered  by 
Columbus,  9. 

Women,  none  among  early  Spanish 
settlers,  201 ; education  of,  neg- 
lected, 244. 

Zambos,  mixture  of  negro  and  In- 
dian, 202. 


318 


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